“…Advocating “a keen focus on praxis”, A Collective of Anarchist Geographers (, p. 609) and Gökarıskel and Smith () both explore how Trump's victory provides insights into new (or renewed) spatial strategies for radical movements. Alongside Ingram (), both papers also note the longer term and wider scale dynamics that placed him in office, viewing the “moment” of election as an outgrowth of deeper structural processes. While opening up figurative and literal space for the far right to organise and exhibiting proto‐fascist traits, Bessner and Sparke () nevertheless remind us that there remains a deeply neoliberal current underpinning so‐called “Trumpism” that represents a new variegation of governance distinct from “pure” neoliberalism or fascism.…”
Section: (Anti‐)fascism and Geographymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although the performance of their electoral parties has been uneven (Mudde, ), the wider street movements, global co‐ordination and online networks of populist‐right, alt‐right, and neo‐fascist groups have undoubtedly grown in size and prominence. Recent gateway events such as the “Brexit” vote for the UK to leave the European Union and the election of Donald Trump as US President have made space for more openly racist and authoritarian activities, especially in the Anglophone world, and have become seen as emblematic moments through which these dynamics were brought to popular and scholarly attention (e.g., Gökarıskel & Smith, ; Ingram, ). However, there has also been a longer term story of slow and careful recomposition of far‐right movements beyond those specific events themselves.…”
Extensive research exists in geography concerning racism and nationalism, yet there has been surprisingly little written on the far right, and even less on their anti‐fascist opponents. In the context of a resurgent far right, this paper draws together disparate work on this topic within geography to investigate the possibilities for the development of anti‐fascist geographies. While fascism and anti‐fascism have been chronically under‐researched in geography, I argue that there remains an insightful body of research in existence and that geographers are well positioned to undertake substantial work on the subject. Three connecting dimensions of an anti‐fascist geography are identified, namely, investigating not only racism but also the more‐than‐racist dimensions of the far right; their intersections with one another; and the development of anti‐fascist rationalities in geographical scholarship. Through this discussion, I suggest that the field of anarchist geographies offers a useful framework for these tasks, not only for empirical study but also for developing agendas to embed anti‐fascist principles into academic practices. By focusing in on the spatialities of far right and anti‐fascist politics, political geographers can position themselves at the forefront of this important area of work.
“…Advocating “a keen focus on praxis”, A Collective of Anarchist Geographers (, p. 609) and Gökarıskel and Smith () both explore how Trump's victory provides insights into new (or renewed) spatial strategies for radical movements. Alongside Ingram (), both papers also note the longer term and wider scale dynamics that placed him in office, viewing the “moment” of election as an outgrowth of deeper structural processes. While opening up figurative and literal space for the far right to organise and exhibiting proto‐fascist traits, Bessner and Sparke () nevertheless remind us that there remains a deeply neoliberal current underpinning so‐called “Trumpism” that represents a new variegation of governance distinct from “pure” neoliberalism or fascism.…”
Section: (Anti‐)fascism and Geographymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although the performance of their electoral parties has been uneven (Mudde, ), the wider street movements, global co‐ordination and online networks of populist‐right, alt‐right, and neo‐fascist groups have undoubtedly grown in size and prominence. Recent gateway events such as the “Brexit” vote for the UK to leave the European Union and the election of Donald Trump as US President have made space for more openly racist and authoritarian activities, especially in the Anglophone world, and have become seen as emblematic moments through which these dynamics were brought to popular and scholarly attention (e.g., Gökarıskel & Smith, ; Ingram, ). However, there has also been a longer term story of slow and careful recomposition of far‐right movements beyond those specific events themselves.…”
Extensive research exists in geography concerning racism and nationalism, yet there has been surprisingly little written on the far right, and even less on their anti‐fascist opponents. In the context of a resurgent far right, this paper draws together disparate work on this topic within geography to investigate the possibilities for the development of anti‐fascist geographies. While fascism and anti‐fascism have been chronically under‐researched in geography, I argue that there remains an insightful body of research in existence and that geographers are well positioned to undertake substantial work on the subject. Three connecting dimensions of an anti‐fascist geography are identified, namely, investigating not only racism but also the more‐than‐racist dimensions of the far right; their intersections with one another; and the development of anti‐fascist rationalities in geographical scholarship. Through this discussion, I suggest that the field of anarchist geographies offers a useful framework for these tasks, not only for empirical study but also for developing agendas to embed anti‐fascist principles into academic practices. By focusing in on the spatialities of far right and anti‐fascist politics, political geographers can position themselves at the forefront of this important area of work.
“…The future of US geopolitical subjectivity relies on a past narrative that sites like the TMM respond to and seek to perpetuate in certain ways. Such sites are made perhaps even more “real” in the current geopolitical climate, whereby fear of an enemy bent on US destruction lurks in every corner (see Gökarıksel & Smith, ; Ingram, ; Page & Dittmer, ). In the following section, we explore the theoretical resources necessary for grasping the embodied geopolitics of negative simulation.…”
Section: Titan Missile Museum In Contextmentioning
This paper builds on recent work on the embodied geopolitics of tourism to investigate the Titan Missile Museum (TMM), a Cold War‐era underground nuclear missile silo and command bunker in the southwest USA. In examining how visitors are not only persuaded to adopt certain attitudes towards the weaponry, but are enrolled in an embodied experience that is active in the formation of subjectivity that emerges from such an encounter, the paper draws on the philosophy of Jean Baudrillard and other non‐representational theorists to argue that this tourism encounter is a negative simulation that can be informed by a better understanding of “hyperreal” spectacle. This spectacle, however, does not simply fall in the realm of representation but is one that engages affect and emotion as important for the emergence of geopolitical subjectivity. While the TMM works to produce what Baudrillard might call a “non‐event” out of nuclear geopolitics, it also takes the risk of getting too close to the bomb by simulating its launch. These dynamics are encapsulated in the highlight of the standard one‐hour tour: the simulation of a missile launch, something that never took place. Drawing on our experience at the TMM and visitor comments left online at Yelp.com, as well as the broader archive of journalism and scholarship on the site, we also sense the possibility of something else emerging out of the embodied and performative materialities that constitute this site of “dark tourism.”
“…year ago(Ingram 2017), I considered how the UK referendum result for 'Brexit', the election of Donald Trump as US President and the growing salience of fascist politics pointed towards a deterritorialization(Deleuze and Guattari 2004) of Atlanticism and of the liberal idea of the West that emerged out of the Second World War. In this intervention, I reflect on subsequent events and the broader issues they raise, particularly in light of a series of further commentaries, reports and books by liberal writers, politicians and analysts contemplating theWest's actual or possible decline (e.g.…”
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