Geography and Election Outcome Metric: An Introduction

Campisi, Marion; Ratliff, Thomas; Somersille, Stephanie; Veomett, Ellen

doi:10.1089/elj.2021.0054

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Penegakan hukum pemilu adalah proses upaya penegakan atau fungsi hukum norma panutan dalam berperilaku dalam lalu lintas atau hubungan hukum dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu. Teknologi modern memungkinkan ahli demografi partisan untuk membuat ratusan ribu peta, semuanya memiliki distrik yang berbentuk wajar, dan kemudian memilih yang paling partisan di antara peta tersebut (Marion Campisi et al, 2022).…”

Section: Pendahuluanunclassified

Analisis Potensi Pelanggaran Etika Menuju Pemilu Parallel Tahun 2024

Simangunsong,

Situmeang,

Panggabean

2023

Retentum

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The Election Organiser Code of Ethics, in general, is a unified set of moral, ethical, and philosophical principles that serve as a guideline for Election Organisers' behaviour in the form of obligations or prohibitions, actions and/or remarks that are or are not appropriate for Election Organisers to make. The 2024 simultaneous election is a rather challenging election for election organisers, both the KPU and Bawaslu. Where it incorporates the Presidential and Vice- Presidential Elections, the DPR and DPD Elections, as well as the Provincial and Regency/City DPRDs. Of course, this adds complexity to the execution, especially with the recruitment of organisers in the middle of the stage. This article seeks to uncover probable ethical issues in the conduct of elections in Indonesia during the 2024 simultaneous elections. This article is based on library resources, secondary data owned by the author, or data obtained from third parties. Secondary data from available data relating to patterns of ethical infractions is used asthe foundation for analysis. Based on the information gathered, the general public believes that the potential issue of ethical violations in the conduct of elections in Indonesia in the 2024 simultaneous elections will not be far from the fundamental ethical principles of siding with one of the political forces, conflicts of interest, accepting bribes, and becoming opaque. Certain incidents, such as those concerning the KPU and Bawaslu standards of professionalism, violations of the principle of legal certainty, and violations of the principle of independence, are likely to be repeated in the future.

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Section: Pendahuluanunclassified

Analisis Potensi Pelanggaran Etika Menuju Pemilu Parallel Tahun 2024

Simangunsong,

Situmeang,

Panggabean

2023

Retentum

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“…The partisan dislocation indicator (DeFord, Eubank, and Rodden, 2022), for example, examines the differences between the vote of individual districts and its neighbors with a focus on neighborhoods that have been dislocated due to packing or cracking. The GEO metric (Campisi, et al 2022) also examines the differences in party support across neighboring districts. It is based on an algorithm that swaps votes across neighboring districts in a way that makes these districts more competitive, to see how the total number of seats won by the Democratic and Republican parties would change by redrawing district maps in this way.…”

Section: Reverse Gerrymandering Indexmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introducing the Reverse Gerrymandering Index: US House Elections 1872-2022

Tamas

2023

Preprint

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This paper presents a new measure of gerrymandering, called the Reverse Gerrymandering Index (RGIx). Unlike the efficiency gap and partisan symmetry measures, which are influenced by vote variation across the entire state or country, the mainstay of RGIx is that it estimates the gerrymandering level of each district by comparing its partisan vote distribution with the partisan vote distribution of the districts adjacent to it. From there, RGIx can be used to identify highly gerrymandered districts, measure regional or historical variation in gerrymandering, or as a variable in statistical models, to name just a few applications. It can also calculate gerrymandering scores for an unlimited number of parties per district, making it applicable to comparative electoral systems research. I use RGIx to show that gerrymandering began rising rapidly in federal elections in the 1960s, and that it began to shift dramatically in a pro-Republican direction starting in the 1980s.

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“…Whether or not this is so, it means that symmetry scores can not be plugged into an outcome-oriented evaluation test like this one. 6 The same holds for declination [22], which is denominated in an abstract trigonometric unit (the arctangent of a certain angle in a plot of votes by district) that has no direct relationship to the seats outcome. 7 Reasonable people could differ about which normative argument listed above is the most persuasive.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…7 And there are many more, with some that also take geography into account. These include DeFord-Eubank-Rodden's partisan dislocation, which compares a voter's district to that voter's nearest neighbors [12]; Eguia's artificial partisan advantage, which compares a voter's district to their county [15]; and Campisi-Ratliff-Somersille-Veomett's GEO metric [6], which compares each district to its neighboring districts. An ideal seat share could be derived from partisan dislocation and artificial partisan advantage, but we do not attempt that here.…”

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confidence: 99%

Redistricting for Proportionality

Duchin

Schoenbach

2022

The Forum

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American democracy is currently heavily reliant on plurality in single-member districts, or PSMD, as a system of election. But public perceptions of fairness are often keyed to partisan proportionality, or the degree of congruence between each party’s share of the vote and its share of representation. PSMD has not tended to secure proportional outcomes historically, partially due to gerrymandering, where line-drawers intentionally extract more advantage for their side. But it is now increasingly clear that even blind PSMD is frequently disproportional, and in unpredictable ways that depend on local political geography. In this paper we consider whether it is feasible to bring PSMD into alignment with a proportionality norm by targeting proportional outcomes in the design and selection of districts. We do this mainly through a close examination of the “Freedom to Vote Test,” a redistricting reform proposed in draft legislation in 2021. We find that applying the test with a proportionality target makes for sound policy: it performs well in legal battleground states and has a workable exception to handle edge cases where proportionality is out of reach.

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Geography and Election Outcome Metric: An Introduction

Cited by 4 publications

References 9 publications

Analisis Potensi Pelanggaran Etika Menuju Pemilu Parallel Tahun 2024

Analisis Potensi Pelanggaran Etika Menuju Pemilu Parallel Tahun 2024

Introducing the Reverse Gerrymandering Index: US House Elections 1872-2022

Redistricting for Proportionality

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