Gentrification, artists and the cultural economy

Pratt, Andy

doi:10.4337/9781785361746.00032

Cited by 19 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…Dominant media representations here associate the hipster figure with trendy and youthful cultural practices which generate symbolic value and contribute to reputational change in a neighborhood (cf. le Grand, 2020;Pratt, 2018). As discussed earlier, these practices can be interpreted as a form of emerging cultural capital rooted in popular culture (le Grand, 2020).…”

Section: Class War: Anti-gentrification Activists As Folk Devilsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Traditionally a working-class neighborhood, it is today well-known for its Bangladeshi community and sometimes called Banglatown. During the late 1990s the influx of "creative" middle-class professionals and artists (Pratt, 2018), as well as the establishment of trendy retail establishments catering to the latter (Oakley & Pratt, 2010), led to increased rents and property prices. According to the UK Census, occupations in the creative industries increased with 50% in Tower Hamlets between 2001 and 2011.…”

Section: Brick Lanementioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this way, boutiquing serves to create "buzz" and valorize gentrifying neighborhoods in a similar way as the activities of artists who are often early gentrifiers or pregentrifiers. According to this analysis artists become victims of gentrification as they are eventually priced out of the areas which they contributed to gentrify (Ley, 2003;Pratt, 2009Pratt, , 2018.…”

Section: Class War: Anti-gentrification Activists As Folk Devilsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The cultural practices associated with the hipster signifies the increasing legitimacy of "emerging" forms of cultural capital rooted in popular culture, youthfulness, and a logic of trendiness (see le Grand, 2020). The hipster has become a rather common figure in current gentrification research, and cast as contributing to the popularity and trendiness of gentrifying areas (le Grand, 2020;Pratt, 2018;Zukin, 2010;Zukin et al, 2017), but also represented as causing the displacement of working-class residents due to rising rents and property prices (Brown-Saracino & Rumpf, 2011;Langegger, 2016). Whilst hipsters are often portrayed as consumers, they are represented in some recent studies as cultural producers involved in artisanal and micro entrepreneurial ventures (le Grand, 2020;Hubbard, 2017;Scott, 2017;Wallace, 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Moralization and classification struggles over gentrification and the hipster figure in austerity Britain

Grand

2020

Journal of Urban Affairs

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Section: Class War: Anti-gentrification Activists As Folk Devilsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Brick Lanementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Class War: Anti-gentrification Activists As Folk Devilsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Moralization and classification struggles over gentrification and the hipster figure in austerity Britain

Grand

2020

Journal of Urban Affairs

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“…At the same time, economic restructuring has remade cities from centres of manufacturing to centres of business services and of knowledge and cultural production. High-income households are increasingly opting to live in dense, walkable urban centres (Zukin, 1982) previously home to low-income residents, a consumptive choice (Warde, 1991) that may be driven by the desire for cultural, environmental, transportation and recreational amenities (Anguelovski et al, 2018;Ley, 1986;Pratt, 2018;Zuk et al, 2018;Zukin, 1987) and may be related to decreases in leisure time for high-earning households (Edlund et al, 2015). In recent years, debates about the causes and direct effects of gentrification have often obscured how the phenomenon has broadly transformed once accessible urban neighbourhoods into havens for speculative profit seeking, where severe housing cost burdens or displacement are the only options for many long-time residents (Marcuse, 1985;Newman and Wyly, 2006;Slater, 2006Slater, , 2009.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mapping gentrification and displacement pressure: An exploration of four distinct methodologies

et al. 2020

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As housing costs continue to increase across many cities in North America and Europe, local governments face pressure to understand how housing’s rising cost is changing neighbourhoods and to ensure that everyone can access a home they can afford. To confront displacement concerns, cities are adapting models developed within academia to identify neighbourhoods that may be susceptible to gentrification and displacement. We compare four gentrification and displacement risk models developed by and for the US cities of Seattle, Washington; Los Angeles, California; Portland, Oregon; and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and apply all four methodologies to one city, Boston. We identify the geographic areas of agreement and disagreement among the methods. The comparison reveals striking differences between the models, both in inputs and outputs. Of the 18 variables considered among the four models, only two variables appear in all four models. In the resulting maps, the four methods identified between 25 and 119 of the 180 Boston census tracts as at risk of gentrification and displacement, or as currently gentrifying. There are only seven tracts that all four models agreed were either gentrifying or at risk of gentrification and displacement. The findings indicate a need for cities to consider critically the assumptions of the models that are included in urban policy documents, as indicators and thresholds have major impacts on how neighbourhoods in the liminal space of gentrification and displacement are characterised. This novel comparison of United States local government analyses of gentrification provides insight as modelling moves from theory to practice.

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Cultural Economy

Pratt¹

2019

International Encyclopedia of Geography

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The contemporary cultural industries comprise publishing, film, TV, music, and theater, in both their recorded and their live forms. Historically, culture was restricted to immaterial and material cultural heritage and the fine arts. The notion of the cultural economy encompasses both usages. The terminology “cultural economy” is new but derives from terms like “culture industry,” “cultural industries,” “creative industries,” “cultural and creative industries,” and “creative economy.” This field of activity spans the economic and social/cultural, for‐profit/not‐for‐profit, and formal/informal. Academics and policymakers have struggled to conceptualize and operationalize definitions; however, in the first decade of the twenty‐first century, agreement has been reached. The cultural economy has an unusual organizational structure related to a fluid, fast‐changing, and high‐risk environment. Novel organizational forms have developed; a characteristic one is temporary, project‐based working. This organizational form has distinct implications for the nature of work, and for the spatialities and governance of the cultural economy.

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Gentrification, artists and the cultural economy

Cited by 19 publications

References 36 publications

Moralization and classification struggles over gentrification and the hipster figure in austerity Britain

Moralization and classification struggles over gentrification and the hipster figure in austerity Britain

Mapping gentrification and displacement pressure: An exploration of four distinct methodologies

Cultural Economy

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