IntroductionThe bibliography devoted to "secular studies" (Mahmood 2013: 47) is large and growing rapidly. Its many contributors emanate from a wide variety of scholarly disciplines. Sociologists, anthropologists, scholars of gender, theology, literature, and, most recently, theorists of race (Kahn and Lloyd 2016) have all interrogated this subject. This body of literature features many attempts to theorize secularism. This presents students of the topic with formidable and varied resources for thinking in the abstract about this complex and mutivalent concept.What we possess in theoretical analysis, however, we lack in ethnographic observation. Few and far between are the studies that bring theories of secularism into dialogue with what we might call the "lived experiences" of real citizens of flesh and blood-especially citizens who are women. The scholarly materials devoted to theory do not afford us many glimpses of how women engage with the gendered policies of the secular states in which they live.Even more so for a subgroup of women: those who belong to faith communities that exist within secular states. No research presently interrogates how female religious subjects navigate the often conflicting demands of state secular policies and communal religious law. Using in-depth interviews conducted with traditionalist women seeking religiously-sanctioned divorce, it is our goal to explore this intriguing "dual navigation" problem.That is, these subjects must negotiate both the demands of secular state law and the demands of their faith communities in their efforts to dissolve their marriages. Prior to analyzing our ethnographic data, it may be useful to familiarize ourselves with the aformentioned theoretical resources at our disposal. By the end of this contribution, we will bring the latter into conversation with the former.One can identify, at the very least, three broad theoretical orientations in secular studies. The first, oldest, and least immediately useful to contemporary scholarship construes secularism as a system of this-worldly ethics predicated on rational scientific inquiry. This conception was advanced by the 19 th century British Freethinker, George Jacob Holyoake. This "Victorian Infidel," (Royle 1974) brought the term "secularism" into broad usage in 1851, though it had appeared earlier (Zuckerman and Shook 2017: 2).What Holyoake's neologism actually meant is somewhat difficult to discern with precision-one researcher notes at least twelve different connotations that he associated with the term "secularism" (Berlinerblau 2012: 56). Be that as it may, it is possible to identify the broad contours of his thought. Later in his life, Holyoake opined that secularism's task was "to educate the conscience in the service of man" (1896: 73; also see 34). The observation is consistent with his tendency to construe secularism as an ethical system, neither Christian (1896: 1), nor atheistic (1896: 60-61, 37; Holyoake and Bradlaugh 1870: iii; Schwartz 2013: 9). Secularism, he explained, "adopts no metho...