2015
DOI: 10.1080/0966369x.2015.1090406
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Gender, race, militarism and remembrance: the everyday geopolitics of the poppy

Abstract: British Legion's Annual Poppy Appeal, I explore how the emotionality, and gendered and racial politics of collective mourning provide opportunities for the emergence of 'communities of feeling', through which differently gendered and racialised individuals can find their 'place' in the national story. I aim to show that in relying on such gendered and racial logics of emotion, the Poppy Appeal invites communities of feeling to remember military sacrifice, whilst forgetting the violence and bloodiness of actual… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2
2

Citation Types

0
63
0

Year Published

2017
2017
2022
2022

Publication Types

Select...
5
2

Relationship

0
7

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 84 publications
(64 citation statements)
references
References 30 publications
(9 reference statements)
0
63
0
Order By: Relevance
“…The British 'imagined community' stood firmly behind its military against any 'other' -whether that be Catholic imperial powers trying to encroach on the British Empire or the dark skinned native 'other' in need of civilising by virtuous British soldiers ([70]: 14). Embodying the values of an imperialist 'imagined community' that was exclusively white [6], those colonising the world were seen as heroic figures whose lives were naturally of higher worth than the 'other' ([22]: 91). War became a heavily sanitised 'pleasure culture' enthusiastically consumed from the distance by those back home ([70]: 26).…”
Section: State Denialmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The British 'imagined community' stood firmly behind its military against any 'other' -whether that be Catholic imperial powers trying to encroach on the British Empire or the dark skinned native 'other' in need of civilising by virtuous British soldiers ([70]: 14). Embodying the values of an imperialist 'imagined community' that was exclusively white [6], those colonising the world were seen as heroic figures whose lives were naturally of higher worth than the 'other' ([22]: 91). War became a heavily sanitised 'pleasure culture' enthusiastically consumed from the distance by those back home ([70]: 26).…”
Section: State Denialmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This jingoistic fervour has seen veteran culture and nationalistic culture overlapping in the election campaigns of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and in the Brexit campaign [87], with the Armed Forces being one of the main institutions that make the 'imagined community' 'proud to be British' [42]. Whereas the British Army, according to its own doctrine at least, possesses a 'warrior spirit' ([92]: 97), the 'other', by contrast, is foreign, dangerous and lacking in the British moral code [6]. From the soldiers of early empire right through to those engaged in the 'War on Terror', then, the British public imagination has been invited to see a moral and racial superiority in their soldiers that any enemy seemingly lacks ([9]: 185).…”
Section: State Denialmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These findings are evident whether the research focuses on veterans (Pitchford‐Hyde, ); television (Han, Lee, & Park, ); movies (Ning, Chen, & Hong, ); military videogames (Robinson, ; Saber & Webber, ); or, non‐governmental organizations (Lopez, ), among others. Much of this research highlights the role of emotive cues or symbols that reinforce what is considered proper and thus difficult to question (Basham, ; Corner & Parry, ). This research indicates the importance of locating other “instances” of everyday militarism as a way of showing how these instances are neither isolated nor extraordinary but rather hint at why we need to see militarism and masculinities across a longer spectrum of time and a wider spectrum of place.…”
Section: Media (Studies) and Militarism/militarizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Whether in traditional media settings or in newer ones (e.g., through drone technology), feminist approaches to research on (the) media offer critical insights into issues around visibility: whether marginalized men become visible to the media when in the military (Alexander, ); the differential treatment of killed servicewomen as attached to men (husbands or fathers) in contrast to servicemen being treated as individuals, rendering servicewomen less visible (Basham, ); the mass collection of data via drones and the weaponization of the media (Franz, ); or, the fact that the typical focus on the military as being in the public (rather than merging with the private) sphere ignores the necessary contributions (often) civilian women make to keeping the military going (Gray, ; also see Enloe, ).…”
Section: Media (Studies) and Militarism/militarizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Victorian women were supposed to be passive, asexual creatures devoted to the family and too fragile for public life (Rosenmann & Klaver, 2008). These bio-determinist arguments that relegate women to the private sphere are still found in contexts ranging from border politics (Prokkola & Fidanpaa, 2015); patriarchal logics of policing (Herbert, 2001); and war memorialisation (Basham, 2016).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%