Gender, Power and Crib Geography: Transitional spaces and potential places

Aitken, Stuart; Herman, Thomas

doi:10.1080/09663699725503

Cited by 79 publications

(46 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Early work by Bowlby (1969) and others figured attachment theory as "a kind of 'spatial' theory in which the closer the attachment figure, then the more happy and at ease the infant" (Music 2011, 61). Whilst critiques of developmental psychology remain as pertinent as ever to socialconstructivist accounts of childhood, its study has both diversified and developed since the 1970s -a point made wonderfully in Aitken and Herman's (1997) seminal re-reading of Winnicott's notion of 'transitional space' in young children's play. Where Aitken and Herman (1997) focussed upon developing relations between infants' selves and the material world, I am specifically interested in the inter-personal relations accounted for by contemporary theories of attachment.…”

Section: More-than-social Emotions Ii: Attachment Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Whilst critiques of developmental psychology remain as pertinent as ever to socialconstructivist accounts of childhood, its study has both diversified and developed since the 1970s -a point made wonderfully in Aitken and Herman's (1997) seminal re-reading of Winnicott's notion of 'transitional space' in young children's play. Where Aitken and Herman (1997) focussed upon developing relations between infants' selves and the material world, I am specifically interested in the inter-personal relations accounted for by contemporary theories of attachment. Again, acknowledging critiques of the questionable political ends to which neuroscience may be put (Pykett 2012; section III), I want carefully to suggest that insights from the emergent discipline of neuroscience mighthelp geographers to engage in the development of a "complex biopsyschosocial model"of attachment (Hart 2006, xiv).…”

Section: More-than-social Emotions Ii: Attachment Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Beyond ‘voice’, beyond ‘agency’, beyond ‘politics’? Hybrid childhoods and some critical reflections on children's emotional geographies

Kraftl

2013

Emotion, Space and Society

195

132

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In this paper I argue that a significant proportion of research on children's emotional geographies has been deployed to reinforce the importance of children's 'voices', their (independent) 'agency', and the various ways in which voice/agency maybe deemed 'political'. Without wishing to dismiss or dispense with such approaches, I explore potential ways to go 'beyond' concerns with voice/agency/politics. Initially, I review studies of children's participation (and participatory methods), activism and everyday lives that mobilise emotion and affect in productive ways. I contrast such studies with important questions raised by a reinvigoration of interest in the need for children to be able to represent themselves. I then explore the possibilities raised by so-called 'hybrid' conceptions of childhood -which go beyond biosocial dualisms -to enable further strides beyond voice/agency. Drawing on examples from alternative education and contemporary attachment theories, I explore some potential implications for children's emotional geographies and relational geographies of age of what I term 'more-than-social' emotional relations. Yet I do not offer an unequivocal endorsement of these hybrid emotions. Thus, I end the paper by issuing some words of caution -both in terms of the critical questions raised by more-thansocial emotional relations, specifically, and in terms of engendering broader debate about how and why scholars do (children's) emotional geographies. KeywordsChildren's geographies; emotion and affect; biosocial dualism; alternative education; attachment theory; family and intergenerational relations 2

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Section: More-than-social Emotions Ii: Attachment Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: More-than-social Emotions Ii: Attachment Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond ‘voice’, beyond ‘agency’, beyond ‘politics’? Hybrid childhoods and some critical reflections on children's emotional geographies

Kraftl

2013

Emotion, Space and Society

195

132

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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“…More broadly, Piagetian developmental psychology has been criticised for its deterministic and universal view of childhood in that it creates a 'gold standard' normal developmental sequence against which all children can, and should, be measured (James et al, 1998). The influence of post-structuralism has led some developmental psychologists to move away from Piagetian ideas, emphasising instead the myriad cultural and individual influences on development; its inherent plasticity (Walkerdine, 1984(Walkerdine, , 1988Burman, 1994;Aitken and Herman, 1997). Nevertheless, developmental stage theory-which positions very young children as egocentrically 'pre-social'-continues to shape common sense understandings of the capabilities of young children and to inform childcare/early educational policy and practice.…”

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confidence: 99%

‘The terrible twos’: Gaining control in the nursery?

Gallacher

2005

Children's Geographies

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'The terrible twos' are often described as a time of 'gaining control', usually thought of as adults asserting control over children, who learn to control themselves. However, toddlerhood is as much about children learning to take control for themselves. This paper is an attempt to detail something of the social geography in the toddler room of a Scottish nursery, considering both styles of adult control and the ways in which toddlers attempt to appropriate and reconfigure space and time for themselves. That is, the ways in which space and time are negotiated in the course of day-to-day nursery life.

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“…However, it is important to remember that these processes are themselves not altogether separate from cognitive thinking. Hence, while authors such as Aitken & Herman (1997) suggest that playing "counters rationality", I…”

Section: Massumi Suggestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Playing and affective time-spaces

Harker¹

2005

Children's Geographies

146

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Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-pro t purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Child's Play?In thinking about children and playing, it was a while before I realized that the two terms seem to coagulate together, and this seemed to happen without much comment. For instance, the first thing you see when picking up a copy of children's geographies (Holloway & Valentine, 2000) is children playing on the cover. Many authors have contributed to the establishment of this link through the very focus of their studies. This includes a number of articles which have been concerned with the provision and use of (often outdoor) play facilities, (see Valentine & McKendrick, 1997; Built Environment, 1999). Other studies, closely aligned with my own research here, have explored the actual practices of playing 2 in after-school clubs (Smith & Barker, 2000), public playgrounds (Gagen, 2000), commercial leisure spaces (McKendrick et al, 2000) and third world rural contexts (Punch, 2000). Indeed, my own research and this paper were based upon and continue to reinforce this subtle connection between playing and childhood.This common move to link playing and childhood contains a number of tacit agreements, which I would like to bring into the foreground. Firstly it presupposes the connection between playing and childhood to be self evident, which is to say, there is something called "child"s play", often thought of as separate from the ludic activity of adults. James et al (1998) suggest that "the culture of childhood might be seen in the linguistic and playgrounds games of children, a collective culture, enduring and separated off from the adult world" (p.99). I believe that the selfevidence of this connection is something that could usefully be investigated and challenged, and part of my focus here will be to gesture towards ways in which this might be done. My working hypothesis will be that certain statements about playing should be applicable to all people, rather than just limited to young people. It is therefore crucial to my mind that any theorization of playing, such as the one I hope to elaborate in this paper, must account for an activity which is done by people of all ages. Such an argument seeks to obliquely engage with recent work in children"s geography, which has been debating the differences and connections between adults and children (Philo, 2003;Jones, 2003), and the blurred boundary between adulthood and childhood (Valentine, 2003). 3The second tacit agreement that underpins the studies mentioned earlier, is that play is talked about only in so far as it...

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Gender, Power and Crib Geography: Transitional spaces and potential places

Cited by 79 publications

References 4 publications

Beyond ‘voice’, beyond ‘agency’, beyond ‘politics’? Hybrid childhoods and some critical reflections on children's emotional geographies

Beyond ‘voice’, beyond ‘agency’, beyond ‘politics’? Hybrid childhoods and some critical reflections on children's emotional geographies

‘The terrible twos’: Gaining control in the nursery?

Playing and affective time-spaces

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