Gender mismatches under nominal ellipsis

Merchant, Jason

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2014.01.008

Cited by 40 publications

(63 citation statements)

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“…That is, with the term nominal ellipsis or noun phrase ellipsis we refer to ellipsis of the n P with the exclusion of the number projection and other categories of the extended nominal projection. As will become clearer below, this type of nominal ellipsis parallels the behavior of v P ellipsis in English in some relevant respects (see Saab , for a detailed discussion on the size and syntactic distribution of n P ellipsis, and Merchant () for a similar proposal).Abbreviations used in this paper are: acc = accusative case, adj = adjectivizer morpheme, aux = auxiliary, dat = dative case, cl = clitic, f = feminine, loc = locative, nom = nominative, msc = masculine, poss = possessive, se = reflextive, sg/pl = singular/plural, pv = preverb, prt = particle, valid = evidential marker.…”

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confidence: 75%

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Movement and deletion after syntax: Licensing by inflection reconsidered

Saab

Lipták

2015

Studia Linguistica

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Abstract. In this paper we study the interaction between ellipsis and inflectional morphology and put forward a generalization about ellipsis blocking the application of some morphological operations. Working in the Distributed Morphology framework, we will demonstrate this generalization in the realm of NP ellipsis. We will show that NP ellipsis can lead to stranded affix filter violations, and that there are various strategies languages can resort to in order to resolve problems of convergence that stranded affixes cause at the PF interface. The resolution of the stranded affix filter configuration is responsible for the wellknown observation that heads preceding NP ellipsis sites need to show overt inflection in languages that inflect these heads (Lobeck 1995). IntroductionIn this paper, we take a close look at the interaction between ellipsis and morphology via the critical reconsideration of the alledged role inflection plays in the licensing of noun-phrase ellipsis (NPE), which we specifically define as ellipsis of a nP.1 There is a long standing debate in the literature on NPE about the role inflection plays in ellipsis. In Lobeck's (1995) well established GB account, elided material is conceived of as an empty catergory, similar to and in some cases identical to, pro. As such, just like ordinary cases of pro in Rizzi (1986), pro forms instantiating ellipsis sites also need to be licensed via inflectional material. According to theories *We are grateful for input on the material presented on these pages to two anonymous reviewers as well as Jeroen van Craenenbroeck, Roberta D'Alessandro, David Embick, Eva D ek any, Marcel den Dikken, Jairo Nunes, Mercedes Pujalte, Johan Rooryck, Eric Schoorlemmer, Tanja Temmerman, Pablo Zdrojewski, and the audiences of a syntax seminar at the Radboud University Nijmegen (2010), the Romance Lab at Leiden University (2011) and the workshop of Going Romance 2010. Thanks also to Lee Armishaw for proofreading the paper. The work of the second author was supported by NWO (Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research).1 That is, with the term nominal ellipsis or noun phrase ellipsis we refer to ellipsis of the nP with the exclusion of the number projection and other categories of the extended nominal projection. As will become clearer below, this type of nominal ellipsis parallels the behavior of vP ellipsis in English in some relevant respects (see Saab 2004Saab , 2008 for a detailed discussion on the size and syntactic distribution of nP ellipsis, and Merchant (2014) for a similar proposal).Abbreviations used in this paper are: ACC = accusative case, ADJ = adjectivizer morpheme, AUX = auxiliary, DAT = dative case, CL = clitic, F = feminine, LOC = locative, NOM = nominative, MSC = masculine, POSS = possessive, SE = reflextive, SG/PL = singular/plural, PV = preverb, PRT = particle, VALID = evidential marker. With the introduction of the Minimalist Program, approaches based on government are no longer tenable, due to the fact that the notion of government no longer exists. As...

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confidence: 75%

“…Crucially, in the case of NP ellipsis, we take the [E] feature to possess an uninterpretable [ u Num] feature that requires over checking against a number head. This [E] feature triggers ellipsis of the complement of Num, namely the n P, following Saab (, , ) and Merchant ()…”

Section: General Assumptionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Movement and deletion after syntax: Licensing by inflection reconsidered

Saab

Lipták

2015

Studia Linguistica

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“…Glossing over different implementations, what we may call 'the categorizer hypothesis' can be represented as in (3). It recasts under a DM approach the traditional tenet that Gender is an inherent nominal feature, without considering it a property of roots or of noun stems (see, among others, Ferrari-Bridgers (2005; Alexiadou et al 2007;Lowenstamm 2008;Acquaviva 2009;Kramer 2014;Merchant 2014;Saab (2010, to appear) and Panagiotidis 2015 for different implementations of that general hypothesis).…”

Section: Gender As a Nominalizermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some proponents of that approach include the additional requirement that ellipsis is licensed by a diacritic syntactic feature [E] in the functional head [Num] selecting the 'little-n' space (see Merchant 2014;Saab (2010, to appear)). 6 Some analyses of constructions containing bare count nouns, like the one exemplified in (8), put into question whether or not these elements are licensed for ellipsis under the diacritic [E] feature hypothesis just mentioned.…”

Section: Gender As a Nominalizermentioning

confidence: 99%

A note on the locus and function of formal gender

Picallo

2017

Borealis

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ABSTRACT. This note tries to assess the syntactic locus of grammatical Gender in the nominal structure with evidence mainly drawn from Spanish. Data from ellipsis resolution and its licensing in a variety of contexts, and for different types of syntactic objects, suggest the conjecture that noun classifying devices, such as grammatical Gender, may constitute the inflectional correlate of hierarchically organized, and possibly universal, nominality descriptors. Such descriptors would be coded in the structural space that, under different theoretical proposals, has been labelled as 'lexical phase', 'first phase' or 'little-n' space.Keywords: Gender, number, ellipsis, bare nominals, singularia/pluralia tantum, pronouns.RESUMEN: Esta nota tiene el objetivo de evaluar la posición sintáctica del género gramatical en la estructura nominal principalmente en base a la evidencia que ofrece el español. Los datos relativos a la resolución y legitimación de la elipsis en una variedad de contextos, y para diversos tipos de objetos sintácticos, sugieren la conjetura de que los mecanismos de clasificación nominal, tales como el género gramatical, podrían constituir el correlato flexivo de descriptores de nominalidad organizados jerárquicamente y posiblemente universales. Tales descriptores se codificarían en el espacio estructural que distintas propuestas teóricas denominan 'fase léxica', 'primera fase' o 'espacio n'.

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“…31 Az ellipszissel foglalkozó gazdag szakirodalom ismerete elengedhetetlen ahhoz, hogy a hátravetett jelzői ér-telmező szerkezeti elemzése során építeni lehessen a különféle ellipszisfajtákra. A teljesség igénye nélkül megemlítek néhány problémát, amellyel a szakirodalom feldolgozása során szembesültem: 1) A szintaktikai és a szemantikai azonosság kérdésköre (Baltin 2014, Merchant 2014, Johnson 2014 …”

Section: Az Ellipszis Jellemzőiunclassified

Az értelmezős szerkezetek vizsgálata a magyar nyelvben

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Gender mismatches under nominal ellipsis

Cited by 40 publications

References 40 publications

Movement and deletion after syntax: Licensing by inflection reconsidered

Movement and deletion after syntax: Licensing by inflection reconsidered

A note on the locus and function of formal gender

Az értelmezős szerkezetek vizsgálata a magyar nyelvben

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