In recent decades, scholars and policy-makers have devoted increasing attention to the uneven distribution of women and men across occupations (i.e. 'occupational sex segregation'). Underlying the growing interest is a longstanding commitment to improving women's economic status, combined with mounting evidence that gender-typical employment has deleterious economic consequences for women (e.g. Birkelund, 1992; England, 1992; Cotter et al., 1997; Jacobs, 2003). Invoking universalistic ideals and citing a 'wastage' of female humancapital resources, feminist interest groups, national governments, and international organizations of all sorts have developed countless programs and initiatives aimed at integrating women into traditionally male domains (see, e.g., Ramirez, 1987; Berkovitch, 1999; Bradley and Charles, forthcoming). Against this social and cultural backdrop, it is not surprising that scholars tend to treat occupational sex segregation as a generic indicator of gender inequality in the labor market and that they typically adopt a modernist, evolutionary paradigm when considering variability in sex segregation across time and space. Segregation is accordingly conceptualized in unidimensional terms, as a quantity that rises or falls depending upon the level of social or cultural modernity in any given national or historical context. In comparative studies, this evolutionary understanding is reflected in the widespread use of summary sex-segregation indices, with historical change in these index values (or the ACTA SOCIOLOGICA 2003