G8 against Transnational Organized Crime

Scherrer, Amandine

doi:10.4324/9781315583761

Cited by 12 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…This policy was later spread to other countries through the deployment of DEA agents and funding of security‐based anti‐drug policies (Andreas and Nadelmann, 2008). This process was strengthened during Reagan’s administration, when for the first time health agencies received fewer resources than security agencies to fight against drugs (Scherrer, 2016).…”

Section: What Can the Brics Achieve As A Group? A Focus On Anti‐drugsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Scherrer (2016), analysing the inclusion of drug trafficking issues into the G7’s agenda in the late 1980s, demonstrated that this occurred due to a push from Reagan’s administration, which wanted to internationalize the ‘war on drugs’. Although this implied substantial costs for the United States, it was implemented due to a few reasons: the political salience of drug use grew in the United States over the 1980s; Reagan was backed by strong government agencies; and his government had high levels of domestic legitimacy.…”

Section: What Can the Brics Achieve As A Group? A Focus On Anti‐drugsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The US initiative found echo in the other G7 members, where alarmism on the dangers of transnational organized crime was prevalent. This resulted in the official inclusion in 1994 of the term ‘transnational organized crime’ in documents of the UN and the G7 (Scherrer, 2016).…”

Section: What Can the Brics Achieve As A Group? A Focus On Anti‐drugsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Whither Security Cooperation in the BRICS? Between the Protection of Norms and Domestic Politics Dynamics

Moraes

2020

Global Policy

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This paper argues that the BRICS are status quo powers concerning two core norms of the international society: sovereignty and hierarchy, what conditions both the scope and depth of their security cooperation. On the one hand, this enables cooperation, as they can use the group to protect these norms and reinforce state control on transnational flows. In addition, this facilitates the formation of ties among foreign policy and bureaucratic elites across the BRICS who share a preference for protecting these norms. On the other hand, the importance attached to these norms constrains cooperation: differences of regime type are associated to higher levels of distrust; and intragroup power asymmetries raise fears of potential unequal agreements. The paper then applies these ideas to indicate the potential for cooperation on anti-drug and cybersecurity policies. On the one hand, different regime types and power inequalities are likely to hinder cooperation. On the other hand, interests from foreign policy, political and bureaucratic elites in protecting norms, as well as in increasing state control on transnational flows and expand repression against new threats are likely to facilitate cooperation. Policy Implications • As the BRICS seek to protect the norms of sovereignty and hierarchy, this might prevent them from engaging positively with global governance issues if these are perceived to weaken these norms. For this reason, solutions for global problems would have to be compatible with them. • Policymakers should not ignore asymmetries among the BRICS, as there is evidence in the literature that they determine patterns of international cooperation. Differences of regime type, for example, are likely to hinder cooperation. This is not applicable to all areas, however, and does not imply that cooperation cannot happen at all. • Given the various asymmetries and different preferences among the BRICS, cooperation does not have to always involve the five countries. The group could work as a platform for the formation of networks involving only a few of the BRICS. For example, as they have different levels of concern about terrorism, cooperation could involve only like-minded states. While this issue is of great relevance for Russia and India, it has a low political salience in Brazil and South Africa, which nonetheless might be useful to legitimize others' positions. • The BRICS frequently state in public that new approaches to global governance are needed. As an area of opportunity, models based on large-scale repression of certain crimes have been extensively tested and proved to fail. In the case of anti-drug policies, there are initiatives that reduce overall drug consumption or minimize some of their negative effects, such as prevention of early use of drugs and harm reduction. The BRICS could stress the need for an approach against drugs based on science, focusing on the need to reform the current regime.

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Section: What Can the Brics Achieve As A Group? A Focus On Anti‐drugsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: What Can the Brics Achieve As A Group? A Focus On Anti‐drugsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Whither Security Cooperation in the BRICS? Between the Protection of Norms and Domestic Politics Dynamics

Moraes

2020

Global Policy

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“…95 The declared purpose of the Convention is ‗to promote cooperation to prevent and combat transnational organized crime'. 96 Since the effectiveness of such co-operation depends on the applicability of common legal standards, the Convention obliges states parties to criminalize participation in an organized criminal group, corruption, 97 the laundering of the proceeds of crime (money laundering), 98 and the obstruction of justice. 99 It thus focuses on the ‗enabling' or ‗secondary activities' that are characteristic of organized crime.…”

Section: Organised Crime and National And International Law:-mentioning

confidence: 99%

Organised Crime – A Threat to Democracy.

Krishnan¹,

ijar²

2018

IJAR

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“…Group, the G8 Non-proliferation Experts Group, the Nuclear Safety and Security Group, the G8 Global Partnership against the spread of WMDs and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism (GICNT). TGNs range from highly institutionalized organizations such as the BCBS or the annual G8 summits of leaders to more informal, undemocratic and even secretive clubs (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni 2009) such as the Eurogroup (Puetter, 2006), the Lyon/Roma Club (Scherrer, 2009) or the GHSI (Kickbusch, Hein & Silberschmidt, 2010). Owing to their flexibility, speed and low sovereignty costs, some scholars anticipate that TGNs will be the preferred channel for international cooperation by performing many global governance functions (legislation, administration, and adjudication) but without necessitating a more formalized structure (Slaughter, 1997(Slaughter, , 2004a(Slaughter, , 2004bRaustiala, 2002;Krahmann 2005;Kahler 2009b;Lipson 2006).…”

Section: Other Examples Include the Lyon/rome Group On Terrorism And Organized Crime The Counter-terrorism Expertmentioning

confidence: 99%

¿Cuándo las redes transgubernamentales son la mejor opción para tratar amenazas en Bioseguridad? una revisión del estado de la cuestión

Segovia

2016

Rev. relac. int. estrateg . segur .

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Parto del supuesto de que los Estados eligen conscientemente entre diferentes arreglos institucionales porque consideran que unos son más convenientes que otros para enfrentar nuevos problemas o condiciones. En el campo de la bioseguridad arguyo que la elección está confinada a dos tipos de organizaciones: redes transgubernamentales (RTG) y organizaciones intergubernamentales. Asimismo, sostengo que bajo determinadas condiciones los actores deliberadamente optan por las RTG debido a que las califican como arreglos institucionales superiores. A pesar de que los Estados continúan dependiendo de los tratados formales para dirigir la cooperación en seguridad, muchos de éstos han sido complementados por una variedad de RTG. Debido a su flexibilidad, rapidez y bajos costos en materia de soberanía, muchos anticipan que las RTG serán el vehículo preferido para llevar a cabo la cooperación internacional al desempeñar muchas funciones de gobernanza global pero sin tener la forma de las organizaciones más estructuradas. De ahí, que el objetivo de este ensayo sea evaluar la literatura enfocada en las redes transgubernamentales, legalización y diseño institucional racional, así como conjugar y aplicar algunas de sus teorías al área de la bioseguridad. Por último, discuto dos posibles explicaciones rivales al enfoque racionalista.

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G8 against Transnational Organized Crime

Cited by 12 publications

References 0 publications

Whither Security Cooperation in the BRICS? Between the Protection of Norms and Domestic Politics Dynamics

Whither Security Cooperation in the BRICS? Between the Protection of Norms and Domestic Politics Dynamics

Organised Crime – A Threat to Democracy.

¿Cuándo las redes transgubernamentales son la mejor opción para tratar amenazas en Bioseguridad? una revisión del estado de la cuestión

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