2013
DOI: 10.1177/0969776412459863
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From Tahrir to the world: The camp as a political public space

Abstract: The year 2011 was when the camp defeated the dictator. At Tahrir Square, the camp was a space of freedom, resistance and liberation, beyond the control of the state and outside the normal political order, in which a more progressive politics was forged and made real. In the months that followed, political protesters across the Middle East, Europe and North America emulated the tactics of the Egyptian protest camp. In light of these transnational events, the protest camp deserves attention as a specific politic… Show more

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Cited by 44 publications
(21 citation statements)
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“…In his study of the Palestinian refugee camp Rashidieh in Lebanon, Ramadan (2009) recorded a process that reinforced national memory, as well as a process of emerging internal competing ideological visions. Extending the analysis to other types of "irregular spaces", such as Tahrir Square in Cairo during the period of massive protests against Mubarak, he concludes that a protest camp can become a field of total resistance to the hegemonic power (Ramadan, 2012). Therefore, collective memories may appear in such closed areas, they can reshape collective identities, and create autonomous powers.…”
Section: Ruptures In the Normalization Of The Exceptionmentioning
confidence: 95%
“…In his study of the Palestinian refugee camp Rashidieh in Lebanon, Ramadan (2009) recorded a process that reinforced national memory, as well as a process of emerging internal competing ideological visions. Extending the analysis to other types of "irregular spaces", such as Tahrir Square in Cairo during the period of massive protests against Mubarak, he concludes that a protest camp can become a field of total resistance to the hegemonic power (Ramadan, 2012). Therefore, collective memories may appear in such closed areas, they can reshape collective identities, and create autonomous powers.…”
Section: Ruptures In the Normalization Of The Exceptionmentioning
confidence: 95%
“…5 See Kohn (2013);Mitchell (1995);Mitchell (2017);Köksal (2012). 6 See for instance Örs (2013) on the history and symbolic importance of the Taksim square in Istanbul; Hansen (2016) on the Maidan square's perceived role as a safety valve in the Ukrainian society; Gillham et al (2013) on the policing of Occupy protests; Ramadan (2013) on the importance of Tahrir square in Egypt; Lee (2009) 14 I use these data to describe the city and the elements of its main squares, and I identify instances where the elements of the squares have affected the opposition's conduct. I argue that Minsk is a particularly difficult place to protest in because: 1) the city represents Lukashėnka and his success, as well as the mainstream and official view of history; and at the same time, alienates the pro-European opposition; 2) the two main squares (Kastrychnitskaia and Nezalezhnastsi) are places most people tend to avoid, have been altered.…”
Section: Research Question Approach Methodologymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These camps, however, also serve as sites for the forging national identity (Hanafi, 2008) and collective memory (Collins, 2011;Ramadan, 2009b;, and bear the potential to proffer embattled inhabitants forms of autonomous governance beyond the supervision of the sovereign (Szanto, 2012). Similarly, an encamped urban sphere can become a space of defiance and subversion where norms are challenged and social and political protests unleashed (Ramadan, 2013).…”
Section: Spaces Of Exception Encampment and Domesticationmentioning
confidence: 95%