From proletarian to peasant: Rural transformation in the state of Acre, 1870–1986

Bakx, Keith

doi:10.1080/00220388808422060

Cited by 53 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…From the colonial period, estate owners in the Amazon had depended on coerced labor from indigenous people, but as the rubber boom accelerated, labor shortages required that they bring indentured workers from outside the region to settle in forests and extract rubber latex for global markets. During the boom, estate owners used debt peonage to control these workers, but as the rubber economy collapsed, the workers gained more autonomy and began exerting customary control over forest resources (Weinstein 1983;Bakx 1988;Ormachea and Fernández 1989;Pacheco 1992;Barham and Coomes 1996). While the estate owners maintained property claims, the forest workers expanded their livelihoods beyond rubber tapping and began extracting a wider range of forest products, particularly the Brazil nut.…”

Section: The Resource Usersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting the ‘cornerstone of Amazonian conservation’: a socioecological assessment of Brazil nut exploitation

et al. 2017

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The Brazil nut (the seeds of the rainforest tree Bertholletia excelsa) is the only globally traded seed collected from the wild by forest-based harvesters across the Amazon basin. The large geographic scale of Brazil nut exploitation and the significant contributions to local livelihoods, national economies, and forest-based development over the last decades, merit a review of the ''conservation-through-use'' paradigm. We use Elinor Ostrom's framework for assessing sustainability in socioecological systems: (1) resource unit, (2) users, (3) governance system, and (4) resource system, to determine how different contexts and external developments generate specific conservation and development outcomes. We find that the resource unit reacts robustly to the type and level of extraction currently practiced; that resource users have built on a self-organized system that had defined boundaries and access to the resource; that linked production chains, market networks and informal financing work to supply global markets; and that local harvesters have used supporting alliances with NGOs and conservationists to formalize and secure their endogenous governance system and make it more equitable. As a result, the Brazil nut model represents a socioecological system that may not require major changes to sustain productivity. Yet since long-term Brazil nut production seems inextricably tied to a continuous forest cover, and because planted Brazil nut trees currently provide a minimal contribution to total nut production basin-wide, we call to preserve, diversify and intensify production in Brazil nut-rich forests that will inevitably become ever more integrated within human-modified landscapes over time.

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Section: The Resource Usersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting the ‘cornerstone of Amazonian conservation’: a socioecological assessment of Brazil nut exploitation

et al. 2017

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“…Francois-Michel Le Tourneau and Bastien Beaufort seringueiros even more dependent on their patrons), were no longer completely enforced (Bakx 1988). They thus started to cultivate small plots, a practice in general formerly prohibited.…”

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“…But the investments made by the military-led federal government from 1970 on changed the situation. With the consolidation of the Brasília-Porto Velho-Rio Branco road (the BR-364), a portion of the lands at the border of Bolivia and Peru could now be exploited with high profits, especially for cattle ranching (Bakx 1988;Revkin 1990;Diegues 1995). Many seringais were sold to new owners, in general coming from the south of Brazil and determined to "tame" (desbravar) the Amazon and to turn the forest into a "productive land".…”

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Exploring the boundaries of individual and collective land use management: institutional arrangements in the PAE Chico Mendes (Acre, Brazil)

Tourneau

Beaufort

2017

Int J Commons

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Abstract:The economic modernization of the Amazon fostered by the Brazilian military government during the 1960s and 1970s was largely realized without taking into consideration the presence of local households which lived from the extraction of forest products (mainly non-timber). When they began to be expulsed, a political resistance, often guided by the Catholic Church, appeared as well as the creation of unions based on traditional identities, especially that of rubber tappers. During the 1980s, these unions made a strategic alliance with the ecologist movement which started to consider traditional populations, whose lifestyle depended on the forest, as allies for the protection of the Amazon rainforest. The movement gained a decisive momentum at the end of the decade by putting forward new proposals of land tenure for traditional populations, grounded on collective land rights. This strategy has been very efficient during the 1990s and 2000s, during which about 1,300,000 km 2 of rainforest were set apart and reserved for the use of "traditional communities" under a variety of legal status. But it has also led to mix under the same "collective" etiquette and principles a number of different ways of using and managing land and natural resources. This assumption however should be nuanced by a careful analysis of the resource management systems existing in each case, for they are in general complex and mix varying proportions of individual and collective decisions. The aim of this paper is to explore this question using the example of the Chico Mendes agroextractive settlement (PAE-CM), inhabited by about 100 rubber tapper families and symbolic of the political struggle of traditional populations in the Amazon for being the home of the rubber tapper leader Chico Mendes assassinated in Individual and collective land use management in a CPR system 71 1988. Applying Ostrom "design principles", we try to catch what are the local institutional arrangements and to see if they suggest collective or individual management, and what the boundaries between both categories are. As a conclusion, we find that the PAE-CM's system is much less collective than expected, and also very much controlled by external authorities, in a logic pretty much away from the idea of a CPR system. This finding is useful to understand the shortcomings in the actual management of the PAE but also to foresee difficulties which will probably arise in the management of many of the areas which have gained collective land rights or collective management statutes in the Amazon.

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“…Las parcelas de colonización eran demasiado pequeñas para llevar a cabo actividades extractivas y la mayor parte de las familias carecía del capital necesario para invertir en agricultura. Estos problemas se vieron agravados por una situación de pobreza e incidencia de enfermedades que a su vez llevaron a las familias a sufrir una privación extrema, forzándolas a abandonar sus hogares y reubicarse en poblaciones urbanas marginales (Bakx 1988). A medida que se fueron haciendo conocidas las dificultades que habían enfrentado las familias que habían participado en los proyectos de colonización, el rechazo hacia las políticas de desarrollo del gobierno fue aumentando en el campo.…”

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Gobernanza Ambiental y el surgimiento de movimientos forestales de base

Cronkleton¹,

Taylor²,

Barry³

et al. 2008

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From proletarian to peasant: Rural transformation in the state of Acre, 1870–1986

Cited by 53 publications

References 9 publications

Revisiting the ‘cornerstone of Amazonian conservation’: a socioecological assessment of Brazil nut exploitation

Revisiting the ‘cornerstone of Amazonian conservation’: a socioecological assessment of Brazil nut exploitation

Exploring the boundaries of individual and collective land use management: institutional arrangements in the PAE Chico Mendes (Acre, Brazil)

Gobernanza Ambiental y el surgimiento de movimientos forestales de base

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