2013
DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2012.723287
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From Geopolitical to Geoeconomic? The Changing Political Rationalities of State Space

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Cited by 73 publications
(44 citation statements)
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“…canals, railways). This contributed to economic integration, mobility of labor and more effective communication (Moisio & Paasi, 2013). During the 19th and early 20th century, Finnish nationalism gradually developed from cultural and linguistic forms toward (contested) claims for full political independence, a process that was supported by the already existing territorial shape of the state (Häkli, 1999;Paasi, 1990Paasi, , 1996.…”
Section: The Institutionalization Of Finnish Territory Independence mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…canals, railways). This contributed to economic integration, mobility of labor and more effective communication (Moisio & Paasi, 2013). During the 19th and early 20th century, Finnish nationalism gradually developed from cultural and linguistic forms toward (contested) claims for full political independence, a process that was supported by the already existing territorial shape of the state (Häkli, 1999;Paasi, 1990Paasi, , 1996.…”
Section: The Institutionalization Of Finnish Territory Independence mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Second, repositioning depends on ‘states’ self‐identity and technologies of state ordering’. This is closely allied to political constructions of territory, for ‘geopolitics is influenced by the state context from which it is approached’ (Moisio & Paasi , p. 256). While ostensibly bearing little relation to it, the mastering of states’ self and communal identities (Agnew & Corbridge ; Agnew ) through technologies of cartography, diplomacy, population statistics, political parties, sectoral management and infrastructural planning is thus highly influential in shaping projection globally of state identities.…”
Section: Contemporary Geopolitical (Re)positioning Strategies Of Statesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is particularly relevant in a European context that is increasingly characterised by multi-level governance (Benson, 2015;Alcantara et al, 2016;Jones, 2016;Klinke, 2016;Mulholland and Berger, 2017;Panara and Varney, 2017) and a polymorphic political and geographic recognition that cityregions are becoming increasingly important "sub-national", "third" or "meso"-level political actors. Specifically, as we will discuss later, this article reinforces the "Europe of regions" thesis (Keating, 2014c) by adding two new dimensions: first, "metropolitanisation" as the geo-economic (Harrison, 2012) and geopolitical (Moisio and Paasi, 2013b) basis for emergent small, stateless city-regional nations; second, the "right to decide" as the geo-democratic basis to transcend the former ethno-political nationalistic argument towards a more experimental democratic notion of city-ness (Calzada, 2017c). These dimensions demonstrate the connection among the devolution claims, metropolitan inclusiveness as a social value and a politically and socially progressivist agenda, as shown in the political programmes of the main "civic nationalist" parties (Sage, 2014;Gillespie, 2016).…”
mentioning
confidence: 94%