From Berlusconi to Berlusconi, 1994–2001

Ginsborg, Paul

doi:10.1007/978-1-137-11741-0_9

Cited by 7 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Berlusconi was the uncontested leader who ruled the party with an iron hand. During campaigns, his face was on huge posters on boards alongside the road, in railway and train stations and all other imaginable spots (Ginsborg 2003). Berlusconi presents himself not only as ‘the idealized archetype of the Italian everyman’ but also as ‘exceptional, a superman in the making’ (Stille 2006: 257).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Nucleus of Populism: In Search of the Lowest Common Denominator

Rooduijn¹

2013

Gov. & oppos.

254

149

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There are different area-based bodies of literature on populism, which generally define the concept in slightly different ways. As a result, the term ‘populism’ has been attached to a wide variety of political actors, from Perot in the US to Berlusconi in Italy, and from Perón in Argentina to Le Pen in France. Is it an unfortunate coincidence that the same word has been used for completely different parties and politicians, or is it possible to discern the lowest common denominator that these actors share? By means of a comparison of six cases, based on a most-different systems design, I demonstrate that populists in different times and places have four characteristics in common: (1) they emphasize the central position of the people; (2) they criticize the elite; (3) they perceive the people as a homogeneous entity; and (4) they proclaim a serious crisis. These four characteristics constitute the core elements of populism.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Nucleus of Populism: In Search of the Lowest Common Denominator

Rooduijn¹

2013

Gov. & oppos.

254

149

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“…19 This move signalled a profound transformation in the Italian left that -after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the Italian Communist Party in 1991 -abandoned its Gramscian legacy in favour of an ill-defined liberal socialism. See Ginsborg (2001) and Favretto (2002). 20 European member states decided which countries could join the first round of the EMU on the basis of macroeconomic data for the year 1997.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Derivatives and the financialisation of the Italian state

Lagna

2015

New Political Economy

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Abstract:The existing literature on financialisation has devoted insufficient attention to how governments wield the market-based practices and technologies of financial innovation to pursue statecraft objectives. Because of this inattention, scholars have missed the opportunity to examine a crucial facet of the financialisation of the state.To remedy this limitation, the present article investigates how and why the Italian government designed derivatives-based strategies during the 1993-99 period. It argues that these tactics gained momentum in the context of the political struggles that developed in Italy beginning in the late 1980s. In particular, the study shows how a neoliberal-reformist alliance came to power and used financial innovation to comply with the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) admission criteria. EMU dynamics enhanced the power position of the neoliberal-reformist coalition vis-à-vis the country's traditional political and business establishment. This work offers insights that go beyond the specificities of the Italian case. It encourages further research on how governments in other countries simultaneously exposed state institutions to financial speculation and gained access to a range of new instruments through which they could manage state affairs in a financialised manner.

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“…Issues of taste and style need more reflection than has hitherto been the case if the peculiar mix of glamour, luxury, paternalism, populism and consumption that situated him at the heart of the lived experience of Italians is to be grasped. The 'Berlusconization of Italy' highlighted by various authors will thus be analysed here from a new point of view (Ginsborg 2004;Albertazzi and Rothenberg 2009,8;Ruzza and Balbo 2013, 164). Next, the issue of possible biographical dramas or biopics will be considered.…”

Section: S Gundlementioning

confidence: 99%

How Berlusconi will be remembered: notoriety, collective memory and the mediatisation of posterity

Gundle

2015

Modern Italy

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This article explores the ways in which Silvio Berlusconi might figure in collective memory. It approaches this from a number of angles. First, consideration is given to the way political figures of the past have resonated culturally and the role of institutions including the mass media in this. Second, Berlusconi's own efforts to situate himself in relation to a shared past are explored, with reference to the place of three nostalgic appeals that figured with varying intensity at different points in his career. Third, Berlusconian aesthetics are investigated to explore the relative roles of kitsch and glamour. It is shown that kitsch gained the upper hand and that this also manifested itself in the monarchical aspects that his personality cult took on. Finally, Berlusconi is considered as a possible subject for a biopic and a discussion is offered of the way his life and career might be presented in different variants of this genre. Overall, it is suggested that expectations that he will be damned by history fail to take account both of the way he imposed himself on the collective consciousness and of the generic requirements of the mass media.

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From Berlusconi to Berlusconi, 1994–2001

Cited by 7 publications

References 2 publications

The Nucleus of Populism: In Search of the Lowest Common Denominator

The Nucleus of Populism: In Search of the Lowest Common Denominator

Derivatives and the financialisation of the Italian state

How Berlusconi will be remembered: notoriety, collective memory and the mediatisation of posterity

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