Abstract:Native English speakers were instructed to detect instances of /√p/ in spoken sentences by pressing a button as soon as they hear /√p/ regardless of whether it is inside another word. We observe that detection of the particle up is slower when the frequency of the verb+up collocation is low or extremely high than when it is medium. In addition, /√p/ is more difficult to detect in high-frequency words than medium-frequency or lowfrequency words. Thus word frequency has a monotonic effect on detectability of wor… Show more
“…Our finding that the mediumfrequency phrasal verbs in our experiment produced a lexical effect contests the hypothesis that only ultra-high-frequent word combinations can be lexically stored (Kapatsinski & Radicke, 2009). …”
Section: The Link Between Verb and Particle Is Lexical Not Syntacticmentioning
confidence: 36%
“…go up, keep up, line up). The experiments revealed a reduced ability to detect up within frequent words but speeded recognition in frequent verb-particle contexts; only for extremely frequent verb-particle combinations could a behavioural pattern be observed similar to that seen for single words (i.e., difficulty to detect a part within the whole, Kapatsinski & Radicke, 2009). These psycholinguistic results suggest that the large majority of verb-particle combinations are processed differently from single words, except for a few extremely frequent combinations, such as go up or set up (1531 and 8483 occurrences, respectively, in the 100 million word British National Corpus).…”
Section: A Neurophysiological Perspective On Linguistic Linkagementioning
There is a considerable linguistic debate on whether phrasal verbs (e.g., turn up, break down) are processed as two separate words connected by a syntactic rule or whether they form a single lexical unit. Moreover, views differ on whether meaning (transparency vs. opacity) plays a role in determining their syntactically-connected or lexical status. As linguistic arguments could not settle these issues, we used neurophysiological brain imaging to address them. Applying a multi-feature Mismatch Negativity (MMN) design with subjects instructed to ignore speech stimuli, we recorded magnetic brain responses to particles (up, down) auditorily presented as infrequent -deviant‖ stimuli in the context of frequently occurring verb -standard‖ stimuli. Already at latencies below 200 ms, magnetic brain responses were larger to particles appearing in existing phrasal verbs as context (e.g. rise up) than when they occurred in non-existing combinations (e.g. *fall up), regardless of whether particles carried a literal or metaphorical sense (e.g. rise up, heat up). Previous research found an enhanced MMN response to morphemes in existing (as opposed to non-existing) words but a reduced MMN to words in grammatically acceptable (as opposed to unacceptable) combinations. The increased brain activation to particles in real phrasal verbs reported here is consistent with the lexical enhancement but inconsistent with the syntactic reduction of the MMN, thus providing neurophysiological support that a congruous verb-particle sequence is not assembled syntactically but rather accessed as a single lexical chunk.
“…Our finding that the mediumfrequency phrasal verbs in our experiment produced a lexical effect contests the hypothesis that only ultra-high-frequent word combinations can be lexically stored (Kapatsinski & Radicke, 2009). …”
Section: The Link Between Verb and Particle Is Lexical Not Syntacticmentioning
confidence: 36%
“…go up, keep up, line up). The experiments revealed a reduced ability to detect up within frequent words but speeded recognition in frequent verb-particle contexts; only for extremely frequent verb-particle combinations could a behavioural pattern be observed similar to that seen for single words (i.e., difficulty to detect a part within the whole, Kapatsinski & Radicke, 2009). These psycholinguistic results suggest that the large majority of verb-particle combinations are processed differently from single words, except for a few extremely frequent combinations, such as go up or set up (1531 and 8483 occurrences, respectively, in the 100 million word British National Corpus).…”
Section: A Neurophysiological Perspective On Linguistic Linkagementioning
There is a considerable linguistic debate on whether phrasal verbs (e.g., turn up, break down) are processed as two separate words connected by a syntactic rule or whether they form a single lexical unit. Moreover, views differ on whether meaning (transparency vs. opacity) plays a role in determining their syntactically-connected or lexical status. As linguistic arguments could not settle these issues, we used neurophysiological brain imaging to address them. Applying a multi-feature Mismatch Negativity (MMN) design with subjects instructed to ignore speech stimuli, we recorded magnetic brain responses to particles (up, down) auditorily presented as infrequent -deviant‖ stimuli in the context of frequently occurring verb -standard‖ stimuli. Already at latencies below 200 ms, magnetic brain responses were larger to particles appearing in existing phrasal verbs as context (e.g. rise up) than when they occurred in non-existing combinations (e.g. *fall up), regardless of whether particles carried a literal or metaphorical sense (e.g. rise up, heat up). Previous research found an enhanced MMN response to morphemes in existing (as opposed to non-existing) words but a reduced MMN to words in grammatically acceptable (as opposed to unacceptable) combinations. The increased brain activation to particles in real phrasal verbs reported here is consistent with the lexical enhancement but inconsistent with the syntactic reduction of the MMN, thus providing neurophysiological support that a congruous verb-particle sequence is not assembled syntactically but rather accessed as a single lexical chunk.
“…an infinitive clause). Kapatsinski and Radicke (2008) argue for competition between larger units and their parts when the whole-form is of sufficient frequency. Participants had to respond whenever they detected the particle 'up' in a verb-particle combination (e.g.…”
“…In particular, Kapatsinski and Radicke (2009) found that the sound sequence /ʌp/ was more difficult to detect in a monitoring task when it was em bedded in a highfrequency word compared to when it was embedded in a low frequency word. Kapatsinski and Radicke used these data to argue that frequent words may be perceived as unitized wholes, making their parts harder to detect (see also Bybee 2001;Hay 2003;Healy 1976;Kapatsinski 2010b for similar pro posals).…”
Section: Frequency Probability and Primingmentioning
A multimodel inference approach to categorical variant choice: construction, priming and frequency effects on the choice between full and contracted forms of am, are and is Abstract: The present paper presents a multimodel inference approach to lin guistic variation, expanding on prior work by Kuperman and Bresnan (2012). We argue that corpus data often present the analyst with high model selection uncer tainty. This uncertainty is inevitable given that language is highly redundant: ev ery feature is predictable from multiple other features. However, uncertainty in volved in model selection is ignored by the standard method of selecting the single best model and inferring the effects of the predictors under the assumption that the best model is true. Multimodel inference avoids committing to a single model. Rather, we make predictions based on the entire set of plausible models, with contributions of models weighted by the models' predictive value. We argue that multimodel inference is superior to model selection for both the ILanguage goal of inferring the mental grammars that generated the corpus, and the ELanguage goal of predicting characteristics of future speech samples from the community represented by the corpus. Applying multimodel inference to the classic problem of English auxiliary contraction, we show that the choice between multimodel inference and model selection matters in practice: the best model may contain predictors that are not significant when the full set of plau sible models is considered, and may omit predictors that are significant consid ering the full set of models. We also contribute to the study of English auxiliary contraction. We document the effects of priming, contextual predictability, and specific syntactic constructions and provide evidence against effects of phono logical context.
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