French Colonial Fascism

Kalman, Samuel

doi:10.1057/9781137307095

Cited by 11 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…31 When Dr Molle's bid to win a seat in the 1924 legislative elections proved unsuccessful, he blamed his failure on the 'Jewish electoral lobby'. 32 His victory in the municipal elections of 1925 came off the back of a campaign that openly attacked the city's Jewish community. Jews were portrayed as a 'caste apart' whose 'blind submission to their leaders' compromised the republican electoral system.…”

Section: Dr Molle's Oran: a Settler Utopiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…43 Molle's administration avoided overtly violent actions against the Jewish community, preferring 'legal' forms of discrimination such as economic boycotts and a refusal to hire Jews for jobs in the municipality. 44 46 Molle's response began by recalling North Africa's Roman past and declaring that 'Latin order and Latin organisation have given eternal solidity' to the settler community's 'mores, language, sentiments and customs'. This defence of settler particularism was, however, immediately followed by the assertion that 'we are Latins because if we were not we could barely be called Frenchmen'.…”

Section: Dr Molle's Oran: a Settler Utopiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Algerian branch of the Parti Social Français, successor to the CdF, proved less hesitant than its predecessor organisation in endorsing political anti-Semitism. 62 Faced with fierce competition, both in the metropole and in Algeria, from rival movements of the extreme-right, particularly Doriot's PPF, the party cadres seemed more willing to give activists free rein in Algeria and this almost invariably meant an upsurge in anti-Semitism. 63 This was further fuelled by the fact that the Popular Front, led by a Jewish Prime Minister, was proposing colonial reforms that settlers considered a threat to their sovereignty.…”

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Unlike the UL, the political action of the CdF, the PSF and the PPF were not localised phenomena, but, rather, they cultivated support bases throughout Algeria, metropolitan France and the Empire. He was appointed to head the PSF's Commission of Indigenous Affairs in 1937 72 and would ensure that the supposedly new movement's discourse remained anchored in calls for the Muslims to rally to the 'generosity and benevolence' of France as evidenced during the war. 73 In this regard, he was echoing the sentiments repeatedly expressed by the movement's leader, In contrast to the PSF, the PPF placed imperial policy at the very centre of its political programme, asserting that the renewal of France would come from the strength of her 'Empire of a hundred million Frenchmen'.…”

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…79 The PPF also adopted a somewhat ambiguous rhetoric regarding the growing nationalist movement, the Parti du Peuple Algérien, in its propaganda towards the Muslim population, echoing the latter's radical discourse but stripping it of those elements that challenged settler primacy. 80 The PPF was eager to give the impression that Muslims would have a voice in its proposed imperial order.…”

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Proud colons, proud Frenchmen: settler colonialism and the extreme right in interwar Algeria

Hassett

2017

Settler Colonial Studies

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If any element of colonial Algerian society can be seen to embody a commitment to the logic of elimination at the heart of settler colonialism, it is, perhaps, the extremeright. With its unabashed defence of European supremacy and its enthusiastic celebration of the military and agricultural conquest of the land, the interwar extremeright was steeped in the tropes of settler colonial politics. Nevertheless, its embrace of both the discourse and the practices typical of political movements in settler colonial polities was hampered by the demographic and political realities of colonial rule in French Algeria. In particular, the rise of indigenous political movements in the colony and the election of the Popular Front in the metropole would force the extreme right to move beyond its traditional politics grounded in anti-Semitism and celebrations of settler hegemony. In this paper, I examine the complex blend of strategies pursued by movements of the extreme right in Algeria to expand their support among the settler population while also seeking to establish a limited foothold among the indigenous population. I contend that the leadership of these organisations sought to reconcile these seemingly contradictory goals by combining the evocation of cruder forms of settler hegemony with a more sophisticated and politically palatable defence of exclusion rooted in the rhetoric of French republican imperialism. I ask if this concession to the political norms of the metropole should be understood as a distinctive feature that places the specific settler colonial context of Algeria and the politics practiced there outside of the theoretical and analytical categories proposed by settler colonial theory.

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Section: Dr Molle's Oran: a Settler Utopiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Dr Molle's Oran: a Settler Utopiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Metropolitan Movements and Settler Politics In Algeriamentioning

confidence: 99%

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