Foreign policy beliefs and support for Stephen Harper and the Conservative Party

Gravelle, Timothy B.; Scotto, Thomas J.; Reifler, Jason; Clarke, Harold D.

doi:10.1080/11926422.2014.936477

Cited by 18 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…; Baum & Potter ; Gravelle et al. ; Soroka ). In addition to the direct effect of a country's public opinion on making foreign policy, governments and leaders are possibly advantaged when they also understand the domestic public opinion environment in other countries and the constraints their counterparts face.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The structure of foreign policy attitudes in transatlantic perspective: Comparing the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany

Gravelle

Reifler

Scotto

2017

European J Political Res

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Abstract. While public opinion about foreign policy has been studied extensively in the United States, there is less systematic research of foreign policy opinions in other countries. Given that public opinion about international affairs affects who gets elected in democracies and then constrains the foreign policies available to leaders once elected, both comparative politics and international relations scholarship benefit from more systematic investigation of foreign policy attitudes outside the United States. Using new data, this article presents a common set of core constructs structuring both American and European attitudes about foreign policy. Surveys conducted in four countries (the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Germany) provide an expanded set of foreign policy-related survey items that are analysed using exploratory structural equation modeling (ESEM). Measurement equivalence is specifically tested and a common fourfactor structure that fits the data in all four countries is found. Consequently, valid, direct comparisons of the foreign policy preferences of four world powers are made. In the process, the four-factor model confirms and expands previous work on the structure of foreign policy attitudes. The article also demonstrates the capability of ESEM in testing the dimensionality and cross-national equivalence of social science concepts.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The structure of foreign policy attitudes in transatlantic perspective: Comparing the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany

Gravelle

Reifler

Scotto

2017

European J Political Res

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“…Do Canadian political leaders influence the public's views on the legitimate use of force, either by their support for particular missions or by the arguments they raise (Nossal, 2013)? Do partisans have different approaches towards the legitimate use of force (Fitzsimmons et al, 2014; Gravelle et al, 2014), with Conservatives—as might be imagined—more tempted towards a continentalist foreign policy? An analysis of the party-political dimensions of Canadians’ attitudes towards peace operations was not possible with these data, but future work would do well to examine it.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Support for peace operations may therefore be part of a broader complex of foreign policy ideas reflecting a desire that Canada help out in the world (Munton and Keating, 2001). More purely military campaigns would fit much better with a view in which Canada's role is as an active defender of itself and of like-minded states against certain international threats (Gravelle et al, 2014). Hence, the more a Canadian regards it as important to pursue humanitarian policies abroad and has a favourable outlook on other countries, the more likely that individual should be to support a peace operation.…”

Section: Reasons For Supporting Peace Operations: Substance Partnersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partnerships in Military Interventions and the Canadian Public

McLauchlin¹

2016

Can J Pol Sci

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Do Canadians’ preferences for Canada's role in the world depend on who Canada acts with and not just what Canada does? This question is particularly important in the context of overseas military intervention, which Canada never undertakes on its own. This paper presents a survey experiment measuring how support for a hypothetical peace operation changes with the leader of the mission. Missions led by the United Nations and by Canada's European allies receive more support than American-led missions do, especially among respondents who also favour peace operations for substantive reasons. The finding suggests that the UN and the European connection are alternative ways for a mission to benefit from a preference for multilateralism. While the results confirm some tension between American-led missions and internationalism, European partnerships may offer a way of reconciling an interest in alliances with the internationalist Canadian public.

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“…Pour une évaluation de la congruence idéologique en matière de politique de défense, voir Bloomfield et Nossal (2013) et Massie et Brizic (2014). Pour une évaluation de l'adhésion relative des idées néoconservatrices parmi l'électorat canadien, voir Gravelle et al (2014) et Landriault (2016).…”

Section: L'émergence Du Nouveau Nationalisme Canadienunclassified

“…Voilà l'héritage identitaire que le premier ministre Harper et le Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) ont cherché à défaire. Pour transformer le PCC en « parti naturel de gouvernement », Harper s'est attelé à consolider et à élargir sa base électorale autour d'une approche distincte de la politique étrangère canadienne (Behiels, 2010 ;Gravelle et al, 2014). Afin de prendre le pouvoir et d'appliquer son programme politique, le premier ministre a tenté de « peindre l'unifolié en bleu » (Castonguay, 2007 ;Chase, 2014) en offrant une conception alternative de l'image et du rôle international du Canada, et en tentant de remplacer les symboles et les mythes associés à l'image de gardien de la paix, cherchant de ce fait à liquider l'héritage libéral et progressiste-conservateur en politique étrangère (Massie et Roussel, 2013 ;Chapnick, 2014 ;Parenteau, 2014).…”

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Histoire militaire et politique étrangère : les fondements de la reconstruction néoconservatrice du nationalisme canadien

Dorion-Soulié

Massie

Vézina

2018

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De 2006 à 2015, Stephen Harper a cherché à redéfinir l’identité canadienne en remplaçant le nationalisme libéral par un nationalisme néoconservateur. S’inspirant des « études du nationalisme », cet article propose trois conditions nécessaires à l’émergence d’un nouveau nationalisme : sentiment d’exclusion sociopolitique ; mobilisation politique de ce sentiment ; redécouverte et réinterprétation de l’histoire nationale. L’article explore cette dernière condition, soulignant l’importance de la politique étrangère et de l’histoire militaire dans la reconstruction du nationalisme canadien par le Parti conservateur sous Harper. L’analyse des travaux de Jack Granatstein montre que celui-ci a contribué à « redécouvrir » un passé national dont le projet identitaire néoconservateur s’est inspiré.

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Foreign policy beliefs and support for Stephen Harper and the Conservative Party

Cited by 18 publications

References 52 publications

The structure of foreign policy attitudes in transatlantic perspective: Comparing the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany

The structure of foreign policy attitudes in transatlantic perspective: Comparing the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany

Partnerships in Military Interventions and the Canadian Public

Histoire militaire et politique étrangère : les fondements de la reconstruction néoconservatrice du nationalisme canadien

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