Football Hooligans: Theory and Evidence

Abstract

bstractThis paper describes empirical research amongst hooligans. Such research has not always been valued. The significant factor in hooligan behaviour may be asserted to be the generation of violence in the lower working class and its dissemination amongst football fans. It is commonly asserted that hooligans operate in well-organized groups. It is argued here that such assertions need to be based on better evidence. A detailed account is given of the behaviour of a notorious group of fans and its key individuals. This shows that the 'hard core' fans were distinguished from others only by greater dedication to football and their club; they had a potentiality for violence but only of the low level kind that many others shared; they were more often involved simply because they went to more matches; they lacked organization. Nevertheless outsiders were, not unreasonably, sure they were a violent, organized group. This casts doubt on similar beliefs held about other groups unless beliefs are well substantiated. Detailed ethnography is valuable because it helps to sort out the nature of the 'hooligan' problem that requires to be theorized.

Understanding Football Hooliganism : A comparison of Six Western European Football Clubs

“…Previous detailed empirical research into football culture and football hooliganism demonstrates the strengths of the case study method (e.g. Marsh et al, 1978;Armstrong and Harris, 1991;Armstrong, 1998;Robson, 2000). A problem with these investigations is that their emphasis on empirical data in a specific geographical area may make the findings difficult to generalize to another time or place (Bailey, 1994: 58), although, as Flyvbjerg (2001) rightly argues, this is not necessarily the case.…”

“…Nevertheless, the theoretical framework and methodology employed by Dunning and his colleagues have been criticized on various occasions (e.g. Armstrong, 1998;Armstrong and Harris, 1991;Giulianotti, 1999). It has been suggested that their theoretical approach operates on a high level of generality and has an aura of universalistic applicability and 'irrefutability' (Williams, 1991: 177).…”

“…In reaction to the speculative and distant theorizing of scholars such as Taylor (1971;1971a), Marsh and his colleagues (1978) stressed the need for ethnographic fieldwork. This research method has become increasingly dominant among scholars of football hooliganism and has enhanced our understanding of the subcultural identity and motivations of football hooligans (see Armstrong, 1998;Armstrong and Harris, 1991;Hobbs and Robins, 1991;Van der Torre and Spaaij, 2003). What emerges from these studies is that football hooligans have a very intricate culture that has developed over many years.…”

Beyond the racist/hooligan couplet: race, social theory and football culture

“…The ethnographic work of Armstrong and Harris (1991) has led to a useful debate among leading researchers in the eld about the key issues facing researchers when analysing the social context and everyday practices of 'football hooligans' (Dunning, Murphy and Waddinston 1991;Hobbs and Robins 1991). But these studies do not provide a rounded analysis of the development and role of racist cultures in football.…”

Avenues of contestation. Football hooligans running and ruling urban spaces1

“…Turner 1974;Bauman 1992) and exists as one of the anthropologist Maffesoli's (1991: 12) postmodern 'neo-tribes' which 'attract and collide with each other in an endless dance, forming themselves into a constellation whose vague boundaries are perfectly fluid' (cf. Armstrong and Harris 1991;Giulianotti 1993).…”