Food, drink and nutrition

Oddy, D. J.

doi:10.1017/chol9780521257893.006

Cited by 41 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 125 publications

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“…These provide the basis for national food balance sheets which indicate the secular trend in British caloric consumption (Chartres 1985;Holderness 1989;Allen 1994). Supplemented by household surveys of food purchases (Shammas 1984 andOddy 1990;cf. Fogel 1987), these sources indicate that average daily caloric consumption in Britain c. 1790 was about 2,060 kcal per capita or about 2,700 kcal per consuming unit (equivalent adult males).…”

Section: Energy Cost Accounting and Secular Trends In Body Sizementioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Growth, Population Theory, and Physiology: The Bearing of Long-Term Processes on the Making of Economic Policy

Fogel

1994

673

608

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This paper sketches a theory of the secular decline in morbidity and mortality that takes account of changes in human physiology since 1700. The synergism between technological and physiological improvements has produced a form of human evolution, much more rapid than natural selection, which is still ongoing in both OECD and developing countries.Thermodynamic and physiological aspects of economic growth are defined and their impact on growth rates is assessed. Implications of this theory for population forecasting, measurement of national income, demand for leisure, pension policies, and for the demand for health care are considered. 2The plunge in mortality rates during the early decades of the twentieth century delivered a major blow to the Maithusian theory of population. Improvements in mortality were supposed to be short lived because, under the conditions of population pressure against the food supply that Maithus specified, the elimination of deaths due to one disease would be replaced by those due to some other malady. Efforts to reconcile Maithusian doctrine with the observed mortality decline, to modify it, or to replace it produced a large new literature. Explaining the Secular Decline in MortalityThe drive to explain the secular decline in mortality pushed research in three directions.First, there was a concerted effort to develop time series of death rates that extended as far back in time as possible in order to determine just when the decline in mortality began. Second, the available data on mortality rates were analyzed in order to identify factors that might explain the decline as well as to establish patterns or "laws" that would allow predictions of the future course of mortality.Third, a widespread effort was undertaken to determine the relationship between the food supply and mortality rates. There were several aspects to this effort. Perhaps the most important was the emergence of a science of nutrition that identified a series of diseases related to specific nutritional deficiencies and discovered the synergy between nutrition and infection (Scrimshaw, Taylor and Gordon 1968). Another aspect was the emergence of the field of development economics after World War II as part of the campaign to close the yawning gap in income, health, and life expectancy between the industrialized nations and the "developing nations." Still another aspect was the combined effort of economic and demographic historians to study the role of mortality crises and their relationship to famines during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Prior to the 1960s, efforts to reconstruct the secular trend in European mortality were focused primarily on notable local communities and parishes. However, developments in about half a century earlier in France and its rate of decline during the first wave was more rapid.Perhaps the most surprising aspect of Figure 1 is the implication that the elimination of crisis mortality, whether related to famines or not, accounted for less than 10 percent of the secular declin...

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Section: Energy Cost Accounting and Secular Trends In Body Sizementioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Growth, Population Theory, and Physiology: The Bearing of Long-Term Processes on the Making of Economic Policy

Fogel

1994

673

608

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“…In 1850 the diet of working‐class families was starchy and monotonous in the extreme, made up almost entirely of bread, potatoes, butter and bacon. Overall, diets were short on vitamins A, C and D, deficient in protein, fat and energy, and low in calcium, but high in carbohydrates and, because of the large consumption of brown bread, high in dietary fibre (Drummond and Wilbraham , 329–35; Nelson , 102–4; Oddy , 267–73). By 1914, however, the situation had changed dramatically.…”

Section: Women Food and The Household Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

Capitalism and the production of uneven bodies: women, motherhood and food distribution in Britainc.1850–1914

Rioux

2014

Trans Inst British Geog

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Capitalism and the production of uneven bodies: women, motherhood and food distribution in Britain c. S ebastien RiouxThis article argues that processes of social reproduction are central to our understanding of body formation under capitalism. Articulated through a feminist historical materialist framework founded on a social ontology that recognises the material foundation of social life as constituted of both productive and reproductive activities, this paper develops the concept of uneven body as a more holistic approach integrating into corporeal geography a social reproduction lens. I explore the social and historical analytical capacity of the concept through a study of food distribution in Britain c.1850-1914 in order to reveal how certain bodies absorbed, mediated and embodied contradictions between production and social reproduction.

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“…Spain (E): Simpson (1989). Sweden (SW): Jureen (1956) United Kingdom (UK): Oddy (1990), Fogel (1994. United States of America (USA): Bennet and Peirce (1961), Komlos (1987).…”

Section: Food Consumption and Nutrition In Ital Y 1861-1911: What Wementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Luigi Einaudi had few doubts on the fact that household budgets represented "historical **** See Albertoni and Novi (1894), Raseri (1879), and the bibliography in Sorcinelli (1995). † † † † See Oddy (1990), Shammas (1984), and Logan (2003). ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ See Bottazzi, Niceforo and Quagliarello (1933), Niceforo (1933), Somogyi (1959) and Vecchi (1999).…”

Section: Food Household Budgetsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nutrition and growth in Italy, 1861–1911: What macroeconomic data hide

Vecchi

Coppola

2006

Explorations in Economic History

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Abstract:We investigate how nutritional status responded to economic growth in Italy during 1861-1911. By combining household-level data on food consumption with population censuses , we estimate that the incidence of undernutrition decreased by about 10-15 percent between 1881 and 1901. Consumption of calories responded elastically to income changes, although declining with the level of household income: on average, income elasticity of calories in 1901 was in the range of 0.3-0.6. Malnutrition, defined as the inadequate intake of macro-and micro-nutritients, was reduced. Overall, our findings do not support the pessimists' view, ubiquitous in the Italian literature. On the contrary, the early phase of Italian industrialization was beneficial to the nutritional status of the bulk of the population, and even more so for the poorest among the poor.

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Food, drink and nutrition

Cited by 41 publications

References 125 publications

Economic Growth, Population Theory, and Physiology: The Bearing of Long-Term Processes on the Making of Economic Policy

Economic Growth, Population Theory, and Physiology: The Bearing of Long-Term Processes on the Making of Economic Policy

Capitalism and the production of uneven bodies: women, motherhood and food distribution in Britainc.1850–1914

Nutrition and growth in Italy, 1861–1911: What macroeconomic data hide

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