2010
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2010.00145.x
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Finiteness of Clauses and Raising of Arguments in Mandarin Chinese

Abstract: Abstract.  This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on this discovery, shows that the EPP is the driving force for A‐movement. The evidence is the raising of arguments from the TP complements of different kinds of modals. It is argued that the epistemic modals in Mandarin Chinese take a finite TP complement, whereas the modal hui‘will’ and the root modals take a nonfinite TP complement. Though the epistemic modals take a finite TP complement, they noneth… Show more

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Cited by 58 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…However, in Sybesma's proposal, it is unclear what exactly the feature of the tense node is if it is not a temporal one. Additionally, T. H. Lin (2011Lin ( , 2015 demonstrates that there is indeed a Finite/Non-finite contrast in the clausal complements of modals in Chinese, which makes object fronting possible only if it is from a finite clause (as in 4a), but impossible if it is from a non-finite clause (as in 4b):…”
Section: Tense and Tenselessnessmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, in Sybesma's proposal, it is unclear what exactly the feature of the tense node is if it is not a temporal one. Additionally, T. H. Lin (2011Lin ( , 2015 demonstrates that there is indeed a Finite/Non-finite contrast in the clausal complements of modals in Chinese, which makes object fronting possible only if it is from a finite clause (as in 4a), but impossible if it is from a non-finite clause (as in 4b):…”
Section: Tense and Tenselessnessmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…between Chinese raising and CR because subject-to-subject raising out of a finite complement is permitted in Chinese. As argued in Lin (2011), keneng 'likely' is a raising predicate that takes a finite complement: the complement in Example ( 6) is finite given its compatibility with the sentence-final aspect le, which needs a reference time to anchor the event time it denotes. Crucially, keneng permits raising of the embedded subject out of a finite clause (see Lin 2011 on why a finite clause is not an island to A-movement in Chinese).…”
Section: Some General Characteristicsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…( 5). Instead, these two modal distributions are claimed to be derived by optional subject-raising in a biclausal structure, such as a vacuous structural alteration resulting from optional subject-to-subject raising in TP (Lin & Tang 1995;Lin 2011Tsai 2010Tsai , 2015; optional topic A-movement in TP (Chou 2013); or optional topicalization of a subject from the matrix-subject position (Specifier of TP) to the domain of the CP (Tsai 2010(Tsai , 2015. Each of these three proposals has some theoretical merit.…”
Section: External or Internal Merge?mentioning
confidence: 99%