Figures of Migration: Gender, Kinship, and the Politics of Representation

Cruz, Resto

doi:10.1353/phs.2012.0039

Cited by 14 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…From 1992–2010, there were 1.2 million new domestic workers who left the Philippines, which comprised one-fourth of all new OFWs during that period [ 10 ]. Poverty and lack of job opportunities in the Philippines is associated with this trend [ 11 ]. Compared with other OFWs, domestic workers usually come from lower income groups in the Philippines [ 12 ].…”

Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, in a country with a 6.6% unemployment rate and 16.3% underemployment rate [ 14 ], regular jobs that pay enough to sustain families’ needs may be hard to find. Thus, against this backdrop, these women’s migration is considered the best, if not the only chance for these families to escape economic adversities and seek upward social mobility [ 11 ].…”

Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Domestic workers are among the most marginalized and vulnerable groups in the world. Domestic work is low-skilled, undervalued, and largely unprotected from exploitation and human rights abuses [ 11 , 15 ]. It should be noted, however, that domestic workers are in a variety of contexts, which in turn affect their experiences.…”

Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Towards a model of resilience for transnational families of Filipina domestic workers

2017

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Many Filipinos experience poverty and poor employment opportunities. In order to alleviate poverty and provide sufficient resources for their families, numerous mothers leave the Philippines to become domestic workers. The present study aimed to build a model of family resilience for transnational families. A total of 33 participants consisting of Filipino transnational families, domestic workers, and key informants participated in a series of focus group discussions and interviews. A new model of resilience among transnational families of Filipina domestic helpers was created using a constructivist grounded theory approach. The model highlighted how temporal and spatial elements are embedded in collective migration experiences. Family narratives begin with the sacrifice of separation, where mothers leave their families for a chance to solve economic problems. To successfully adapt to their separation, the families undergo five relational processes. First, families communicate across space using technology to bridge relational distance. Second, families restructure across space through role sharing and the validation of each other’s efforts in their family roles. Third, families rebuild ties through temporary family reunification that bridge physical and relational distance. Fourth, families have the collective goal of permanent family reunification by ending migration to become complete again. Fifth, they strive to commit to their families by prioritizing them instead of succumbing to difficulties. Family resilience for transnational migrants is a collectivistic process, negotiated by each family member.

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Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Towards a Model Of Resilience For Transnational Families Of mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Towards a model of resilience for transnational families of Filipina domestic workers

2017

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“…Resonating with what has been described as kinship's encompassment by the state (but also, I add, the market economy) (Lambek 2013), the emphasis on parenthood indicates in part the enduring influence of the notion of pamilya (family, Tag.). Defined by monogamy, parenthood, and nuclear residence, pamilya was introduced by the Spanish with varying degrees of success; it was adopted by the elites, enshrined in subsequent legislation, and reproduced in public culture (Aguilar 1998: 57‐8; Blanc‐Szanton 1990; Cruz 2012). Notably, the upwardly mobile segment of the post‐1945 generation speak of kinship using a language of family, lineages, inheritance, and co‐substantiality that privileges immediate and lineal kin, and which echoes elite articulations of kinship.…”

Section: Unequal and Mobile Cousinsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Siblingship beyond siblings? Cousins and the shadows of social mobility in the central Philippines

Cruz

2020

Royal Anthropological Inst

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This article examines cousinship as a border zone that encompasses distance and intimacy, sameness and difference, and which mediates and is mediated by other kinship ties. It investigates how cousinship may bear traces of discord afflicting preceding generations; how it may further or augment them, or allow their repair; and how it is shaped by multiple and contending ideals. It does so in the context of social mobility in post-1945 central Philippines. Integrating 'old' and 'new' kinship studies, it analyses cousinship beyond consanguineous marriages; revisits the paradigm of siblingship that has dominated the anthropology of kinship in Southeast Asia; and attends to how inequalities and enmities arise, and are absorbed, within kinship.

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“…OFWs' primary reason for working abroad is the desire to escape poverty or to achieve socioeconomic mobility, mainly for their family, rather than individual aspirations [19,20]. However, while abroad, and similarly to other labor migrants, OFWs are at higher risk of experiencing mental health-related issues such as loneliness, stress, anxiety, depression, and serious mental illness [20,21], and for experiencing occupational hazards [22].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural Adaptation of a Scalable World Health Organization E-Mental Health Program for Overseas Filipino Workers (Preprint)

Garabiles¹,

Shehadeh²,

Hall³

2018

Preprint

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Word length: 5590; 5192 excluding abstract/5000 2 Background: eMental Health interventions can address the mental health needs of different populations. Cultural adaptation of these interventions is crucial to establish better fit with the cultural group and to achieve better treatment outcomes.Objective: The aim of this study is to describe the cultural adaptation of the World Health Organization's eMental Health program, Step-by-Step, for overseas Filipino workers (OFWs).We used a framework which posits that cultural adaptation should enhance: (a) relevance, in that the cultural group can relate with the content; (b) acceptability, where the cultural group will not find any element offensive; (c) comprehensibility, in that the program is understandable, and; (d) completeness, wherein the adapted version covers the same concepts and constructs as the original program. We aimed to have English and Filipino, and male and female versions. Methods: Three experienced Filipino psychologists provided their perspectives on the programand how it might be adapted for OFWs. We then adapted the program and obtained further feedback and suggestions from 28 OFWs working in diverse industries through focus group discussions (FGDs). We conducted seven FGDs with all-male participants and nine FGDs with all-female participants. In each FGD, cognitive interviewing was used to probe for relevance, acceptability, comprehensibility, and completeness of illustrations and text. Participant feedback guided a further round of iterative program adaptations, which were again shown to participants to seek additional feedback for validation and improvement. Results:We made a number of key adaptations to the Step-by-Step program. To enhance relevance, we adapted the program narrative to match OFW experiences, incorporated Filipino values, and illustrated familiar problems and activities. To increase acceptability, our main characters were changed to wise elders rather than health professionals (reducing mental health and help-seeking stigma), potentially political or unacceptable content was removed, and the 3 program was made suitable for OFWs working in a variety of sectors. To increase comprehension, we used English and Filipino languages, simplified the text to ease interpretation of abstract terms or ideas, and ensured that text and illustrations matched. We also used Taglish (i.e., merged English and Filipino) when participants deemed pure Filipino translations sounded odd or were difficult to understand. Lastly, we retained the core elements and concepts included in the original Step-by-Step program to maintain completeness. Conclusions:This study showed the utility of using the four-point framework that focuses on acceptance, relevance, comprehensibility, and completeness in cultural adaptation. In the end, we achieved a culturally-appropriate adapted version of the Step-by-Step program for OFWs. We discuss lessons we learned in the process to guide future cultural adaptation projects of eMental Health interventions.

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Figures of Migration: Gender, Kinship, and the Politics of Representation

Cited by 14 publications

References 52 publications

Towards a model of resilience for transnational families of Filipina domestic workers

Towards a model of resilience for transnational families of Filipina domestic workers

Siblingship beyond siblings? Cousins and the shadows of social mobility in the central Philippines

Cultural Adaptation of a Scalable World Health Organization E-Mental Health Program for Overseas Filipino Workers (Preprint)

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