Fighting Terror after Napoleon

Graaf, Beatrice de

doi:10.1017/9781108895873

Cited by 17 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 128 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…They did so after a series of multilateral negotiations that greatly resembled the work of earlier diplomatic bodies, such as the Allied Council in Paris (1815-1818) and the ambassadorial conferences on 'Barbary piracy' and the slave trade (1816-1823). 82 With the 'Treaty for the Pacification of Greece' (also known as the Treaty of London), Great Britain, France and Russia decided to mediate together in the ongoing war between the Greek revolutionaries and the Ottoman Sultan. They would try to resolve the Greek conflict by arranging Greek autonomy (not sovereignty, it should be noted) under Ottoman suzerainty.…”

Section: Declaration Of Conflicting Interestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Lange

2023

J Mod Eur Hist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Virtually every publication on the Greek Revolution signals the Battle of Navarino (20 October 1827) as a turning point in international involvement with events in Greece. What the historiography tends to ignore, however, is the significant degree of military intervention that preceded 1827, particularly at sea. Yet, the Greek Revolution was six years underway and had already taken to the sea by the time of Navarino. Several naval actors at Navarino had been involved in the maritime handling of the revolution since its very beginning, including the Royal Navy captain Gawen Hamilton, the French Vice-Admiral Henri de Rigny and the Algerine commander Mustapha Bachalî Raïs. What had they been doing before then in the seas around Greece? By looking at the first phases of the Greek Revolution, from 1821 to 1827, this article clarifies how different imperial powers tried to manage the uncertainties and threats that the rebellion brought to the waters of the Mediterranean. It draws from source material on the navies of Great Britain, France, Austria and the Ottoman Empire. The piece provides three insights that highlight the significance and contingencies of imperial involvement in the first phase of the revolution. These insights relate to: (a) belligerency at sea; (b) the security threats of piracy and privateering; and (3) naval interventionism.

show abstract

Section: Declaration Of Conflicting Interestsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Lange

2023

J Mod Eur Hist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…4 The victorious Powers at the Congress of Vienna were anxious to prevent future large-scale revolutions and armed conflicts. 5 When the 1820-1821 revolutions broke out soon thereafter in southern and eastern Europe, this triggered the insecurities of the European upper strata, especially given their widely held view of a pancontinental conspiracy aiming to overthrow the new status quo. 6 Even if this attitude was exaggerated, scholars generally agree that liberals and radicals across Europe at the time held transnational contacts and shared ideas to the extent that one may talk about a 'liberal international'.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Policing Subversion in Post-Napoleonic Europe: Austria and the Greek Revolution of 1821–1830

Aliprantis

2023

J Mod Eur Hist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This contribution examines the position of the Habsburg Empire vis-à-vis the Greek Revolution of 1821–1830 with a special focus on policing. It suggests that with its undeniable transnational significance and perceived threat against the status quo after 1815, the Greek Revolution pushed the Austrian state to enforce a variety of police measures to contain this alleged threat. These measures ranged from passport and border control directed towards moving Philhellenes, to monitoring Greek refugees and exiles, and using unofficial agents and consuls abroad to gather information on the rebellious Greeks. The article uses the Austrian police policies towards the Greeks as a vehicle to understand more widely how nineteenth-century policing functioned. Based on policing, the paper thus adds to the intellectual and administrative history of modern statehood.

show abstract

“…117 In terms of architecture and built environment, the Unterredungs that were held in the next decades under the aegis of this system of the balance of power would follow the same stylistics lines that were upheld in Vienna in 1815. 118 A "succession of diners, receptions, and conferences" in private aristocratic residences Frankfurt eventually gave way to the 1818 Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle at the late Medieval Adalberstor tower. 119 The Kongressdenkmal chapel-like monument that was erected afterwards clearly articulates the vision of world ordering of the Monarchical Holy Alliance: An ecumenical, but overwhelmingly Christian, order upheld by the Catholic Habsburgs, the Protestant Hohenzollerns, and the Orthodox Romanovs.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Endroits of Planetary Ordering: Violence, Law, Space, & Capital in the Diplomatic History of 19^th Century Europe

Quiroga-Villamarín

2023

German Law Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

If Derrida once praised English for the richness of the expression “to enforce the law,” in this article I return the favor and embrace the ambiguity of the French word endroit. While it means nothing more than place, I suggest one could draw from Benjamin’s work on dwelling to ponder on the meaning of being within the spaces of 19th century (counter) revolutionary internationalism. In this vein, I read Benjamin’s unfinished Arcades Project—and, in particular, its analysis of the rise of iron & glass architecture that accompanied the conquering bourgeois and the persistent aristocracy—to analyze the new built environments of the fin de siècle North Atlantic diplomacy. Despite the growing interest in the history of global governance, for historians and critical legal scholars alike, the spatial dimension of “the international” have been a largely unexplored affair. Conversely, I suggest Benjamin’s insistence on the materiality of architecture reminds us that international law’s castles were not built solely in the air. In this vein, I suggest one can trace a material history of the spaces in which revolutionary and counterrevolutionary internationalisms struggled to fashion a shell for themselves during Europe’s turbulent 19th century.

show abstract

Fighting Terror after Napoleon

Cited by 17 publications

References 128 publications

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Policing Subversion in Post-Napoleonic Europe: Austria and the Greek Revolution of 1821–1830

Endroits of Planetary Ordering: Violence, Law, Space, & Capital in the Diplomatic History of 19^th Century Europe

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Fighting Terror after Napoleon

Cited by 17 publications

References 128 publications

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Navigating the Greek Revolution before Navarino. Imperial Interventions in Aegean Waters, 1821–1827

Policing Subversion in Post-Napoleonic Europe: Austria and the Greek Revolution of 1821–1830

Endroits of Planetary Ordering: Violence, Law, Space, & Capital in the Diplomatic History of 19th Century Europe

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Endroits of Planetary Ordering: Violence, Law, Space, & Capital in the Diplomatic History of 19^th Century Europe