Fertility and Family Planning in Vietnam: Evidence from the 1994 Inter- censal Demographic Survey

Phai, Nguyen Van; Knodel, John; Cam, Mai Van; Xuyen, Hoang

doi:10.2307/2138073

Cited by 29 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…We also experiment with using the distance to family center as the instrument for the number of male or female siblings, however, this instrument is statistically significant only in the first-stage regressions for the number of brothers, with qualitatively similar second-stage estimation results (not shown). While this result may indicate a degree of son preference in Vietnam, and it is consistent with previous studies (see, e.g., Phai et al 1996;Belanger 2002), it may also suggest sex-selective abortion at the same time. Deeper analysis for intra-household gender differences would require better (and more than one) instruments than currently available.…”

Section: Dang and Rogerssupporting

confidence: 92%

The Decision to Invest in Child Quality over Quantity: Household Size and Household Investment in Education in Vietnam

Dang¹,

Rogers²

2015

World Bank Econ Rev

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During Vietnam's two decades of rapid economic growth, its fertility rate has fallen sharply at the same time that its educational attainment has risen rapidly-macro trends that are consistent with the hypothesis of a quantity-quality tradeoff in child-rearing. We investigate whether the micro-level evidence supports the hypothesis that Vietnamese parents are in fact making a tradeoff between quantity and "quality" of children. We present private tutoring-a widespread education phenomenon in Vietnam-as a new measure of household investment in children's quality, combining it with traditional measures of household education investments. To assess the quantity-quality tradeoff, we instrument for family size using the commune distance to the nearest family planning center. Our IV estimation results based on data from the Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys (VHLSSs) and other sources show that rural families do indeed invest less in the education of school-age children who have larger numbers of siblings. This effect holds for several different indicators of educational investment and is robust to different definitions of family size, identification strategies, and model specifications that control for community characteristics as well as the distance to the city center. Finally, our estimation results suggest that private tutoring may be a better measure of quality-oriented household investments in education than traditional measures like enrollment, which are arguably less nuanced and less household-driven. JEL: I22, I28, J13, O15, O53, P36

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Section: Dang and Rogerssupporting

confidence: 92%

The Decision to Invest in Child Quality over Quantity: Household Size and Household Investment in Education in Vietnam

Dang¹,

Rogers²

2015

World Bank Econ Rev

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“…Independent variables or background characteristics have been selected for inclusion in the analysis based on their significance in previous studies of contraceptive behaviour or on their hypothesized association with contraceptive use and its choice (Allman et al, 1991;Popov et al, 1993;Dang, 1995;Goodkind, 1995;Barbieri et al, 1996;Phai et al, 1996;Diamond et al, 1997;Pandey, 1997;Sajeda et al, 1997Sajeda et al, , 2002National Statistical Office of Mongolia, 1999;Elwood & Lamb, 2001;Steele et al, 2001;Tsui, 2001;Guilkey & Jayne, 2002;Magadi & Curtis, 2003;Suran & Guilkey, 2003). Four sets of independent variables are identified in the analysis of current contraceptive use: (1) intention to have another child; (2) demographic characteristics; (3) couples' communication/attitude to family planning; (4) socioeconomic (Table 1).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of Current Contraceptive Use and Method Choice in Mongolia

2007

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This study examines the determinants of current contraceptive use and method choice in Mongolia using data from the 1998 Mongolian Reproductive Health Survey and 2000 Mongolian Population and Housing Census. Since 1976, access to modern contraceptives has been liberalized and all restrictions on the use, distribution and import of contraceptives were removed in 1989. There were some increases in the use of modern contraceptives among married women in the 1990s; however, at the start of the twenty-first century the IUD and periodic abstinence remain the most widely used methods. Women with higher levels of education are more likely to be current users of contraception, and if they are current users, they are more likely to choose the IUD and traditional methods. Women living in rural areas have a higher probability of using contraception and are more likely to choose the IUD and traditional methods. Significant variations exist between primary sampling units in current contraceptive use and in the choice of modern methods. Community-level variables were important predictors in reducing variation between primary sampling unit, when other modern methods were compared with traditional methods.

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“…One simple rule is to exclude certain contraceptive methods-so-called traditional methods, for example-from the definition of contraceptive use, rendering women using these methods eligible for inclusion in the unmet need category. In Vietnam, applying this rule to recent survey data results in an increase in the percentage of currently married women with unmet need from 14 percent to 36 percent (Phai et al 1996). In considering whether such refinements of the definition of unmet need are desirable, we return to the overarching goal that motivates the concept, namely the avoidance of unintended pregnancies (Yinger 1998).…”

Section: Broadening the Definitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unmet need for family planning in developing countries and implications for population policy

Casterline¹,

Sinding²

2000

121

167

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Unmet need for family planning has been a core concept in international population discourse for several decades. In this paper we reevaluate its utility. We review the history of unmet need and the development of increasingly refined methods of its empirical measurement. We then turn to the main questions that have been raised about unmet need during the past decade, some of which concern the validity of the concept and others its role in the post-ICPD environment. The discussion draws heavily on empirical research conducted during the 1990s, much of it localized, indepth studies combining quantitative and qualitative methodologies, that has significantly advanced our understanding of the nature and causes of unmet need. Of the causes of unmet need other than those related to access to services, three emerge from the in-depth studies as especially salient: lack of necessary knowledge about contraceptive methods, social opposition to their use, and health concerns about possible side effects. We argue that the concept of unmet need for family planning, by joining together contraceptive behavior and fertility preferences, encourages an integration of family planning and broader development approaches to population policy. In its emphasis on individual aspirations and their fulfillment, unmet need remains a readily defended rationale for the formulation of population policy and a sensible guide to the design of family planning programs.

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Fertility and Family Planning in Vietnam: Evidence from the 1994 Inter- censal Demographic Survey

Cited by 29 publications

References 13 publications

The Decision to Invest in Child Quality over Quantity: Household Size and Household Investment in Education in Vietnam

The Decision to Invest in Child Quality over Quantity: Household Size and Household Investment in Education in Vietnam

Determinants of Current Contraceptive Use and Method Choice in Mongolia

Unmet need for family planning in developing countries and implications for population policy

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