Abstract:Beyond competitive elections, democratisation should include a transformation of the institutions of state and civil society into spaces that recognise the rights of citizens and allow for their participation. This study explores the question of how Mexican labour unions are transformed into institutions with a commitment to the rights and participation of women workers. Drawing on evidence from five unions, the paper shows that compared to their corporatist counterparts, unions with a ‘democratic ethos’ provi… Show more
“…In three households, minor children lived with their fathers in the family home, but most lived with their maternal grandparents. The latter arrangement coincides with a widely reported pattern among Mexican maestras (Bergstrom and Heymann 2005;Brickner 2010;Cortina 2006;Loyo Brambila y de Jesus Rodriguez 2007), in which maternal grandmothers were caregivers.…”
Section: Women's Agency and Working Mothers' Absencessupporting
confidence: 89%
“…These include the entrenched patriarchal structure of local union politics and an inherent conflict for mothers. Although the majority of Mexican teachers are women, demands of household labor and a desire to be with their own children limits mothers' ability to take a more active role in union leadership (see also Brickner 2010;Cook 1996Cortina 2006Infante Vargas et al 2015;Loyo Brambila and Rodriguez 2007;Silva 2016;Vásquez García et al 2012). 12 This in turn results in a pattern where instituting policies that would allow greater work-life balance are not at the forefront of a union agenda that prioritizes increased salary and benefits, and improved working conditions, over quality of home life.…”
Section: Changing Attitudes Through Mothers' and Maestras' Agencymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These include the entrenched patriarchal structure of local union politics and an inherent conflict for mothers. Although the majority of Mexican teachers are women, demands of household labor and a desire to be with their own children limits mothers’ ability to take a more active role in union leadership (see also Brickner 2010; Cook 1996 Cortina 2006; Infante Vargas et al. 2015; Loyo Brambila and Rodriguez 2007; Silva 2016; Vásquez García et al.…”
Section: Changing Attitudes Through Mothers’ and Maestras’ Agencymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this context, male teachers are often expected to be disciplinarians in parallel to fathers' perceived role of head of household. Maestras' labor is viewed as a public extension of mothers idealized responsibilities for nurturing and socializing children (Blasco 2004;Brickner 2010;López 2013;Soto 1990). And yet, as in the trope of the more general "paradox of being a woman teacher" that Maria Tamboukou (2000) discussed, wives and mothers are criticized for "neglecting" household duties such as cooking and cleaning while teaching, or for bringing schoolwork home with them (see also Kang et al 2019).…”
Section: Maestras As "Mothers Of the Nation"mentioning
Maestra (woman teacher) is the most common occupation of Mexican women who pursue higher education. This coincides with perceptions that teaching is a public manifestation of women's prescribed responsibility for socializing children. And yet, like women teachers elsewhere, maestras who are mothers routinely struggle to juggle their household, childcare and employment responsibilities. This ethnographic study explores the extreme work‐life imbalance experienced by rural maestras in the state of Oaxaca. Because the mountainous terrain and underdeveloped infrastructure complicate commuting, maestras assigned to isolated communities may stay in these villages while their children live with other relatives. This discussion explores ways that these women's extradomestic employment that is at odds with local ideals of the “good mother” who is at home with her children may actually help reshape constructions of maternal roles and responsibilities. Analysis of mothers' narratives reveals the emotional strains of being away from their children, and speaks to the pride these dedicated teachers take in “bringing home the milk” as economic providers. Ultimately, the tensions these agentive mothers confront and negotiate in their private and professional lives underscore ways that the prioritization of the latter in gender role norms limits women's options, choices and opportunities for full empowerment.
“…In three households, minor children lived with their fathers in the family home, but most lived with their maternal grandparents. The latter arrangement coincides with a widely reported pattern among Mexican maestras (Bergstrom and Heymann 2005;Brickner 2010;Cortina 2006;Loyo Brambila y de Jesus Rodriguez 2007), in which maternal grandmothers were caregivers.…”
Section: Women's Agency and Working Mothers' Absencessupporting
confidence: 89%
“…These include the entrenched patriarchal structure of local union politics and an inherent conflict for mothers. Although the majority of Mexican teachers are women, demands of household labor and a desire to be with their own children limits mothers' ability to take a more active role in union leadership (see also Brickner 2010;Cook 1996Cortina 2006Infante Vargas et al 2015;Loyo Brambila and Rodriguez 2007;Silva 2016;Vásquez García et al 2012). 12 This in turn results in a pattern where instituting policies that would allow greater work-life balance are not at the forefront of a union agenda that prioritizes increased salary and benefits, and improved working conditions, over quality of home life.…”
Section: Changing Attitudes Through Mothers' and Maestras' Agencymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These include the entrenched patriarchal structure of local union politics and an inherent conflict for mothers. Although the majority of Mexican teachers are women, demands of household labor and a desire to be with their own children limits mothers’ ability to take a more active role in union leadership (see also Brickner 2010; Cook 1996 Cortina 2006; Infante Vargas et al. 2015; Loyo Brambila and Rodriguez 2007; Silva 2016; Vásquez García et al.…”
Section: Changing Attitudes Through Mothers’ and Maestras’ Agencymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this context, male teachers are often expected to be disciplinarians in parallel to fathers' perceived role of head of household. Maestras' labor is viewed as a public extension of mothers idealized responsibilities for nurturing and socializing children (Blasco 2004;Brickner 2010;López 2013;Soto 1990). And yet, as in the trope of the more general "paradox of being a woman teacher" that Maria Tamboukou (2000) discussed, wives and mothers are criticized for "neglecting" household duties such as cooking and cleaning while teaching, or for bringing schoolwork home with them (see also Kang et al 2019).…”
Section: Maestras As "Mothers Of the Nation"mentioning
Maestra (woman teacher) is the most common occupation of Mexican women who pursue higher education. This coincides with perceptions that teaching is a public manifestation of women's prescribed responsibility for socializing children. And yet, like women teachers elsewhere, maestras who are mothers routinely struggle to juggle their household, childcare and employment responsibilities. This ethnographic study explores the extreme work‐life imbalance experienced by rural maestras in the state of Oaxaca. Because the mountainous terrain and underdeveloped infrastructure complicate commuting, maestras assigned to isolated communities may stay in these villages while their children live with other relatives. This discussion explores ways that these women's extradomestic employment that is at odds with local ideals of the “good mother” who is at home with her children may actually help reshape constructions of maternal roles and responsibilities. Analysis of mothers' narratives reveals the emotional strains of being away from their children, and speaks to the pride these dedicated teachers take in “bringing home the milk” as economic providers. Ultimately, the tensions these agentive mothers confront and negotiate in their private and professional lives underscore ways that the prioritization of the latter in gender role norms limits women's options, choices and opportunities for full empowerment.
“…Women's daily lives have been affected by their expanded educational and employment opportunities, as well as by their increased responsibility for supporting the household. As with other accounts of life in neoliberal Mexico, as men find their opportunities limited in the new economy, many women in Chihuahua find themselves the primary or sole breadwinners in households without men or with marginally employed men (French 2000;Olivera 2006;Brickner 2010). In 2006, Chihuahua became the state with the highest divorce rate in the nation (INEGI, 2006a).…”
This article examines how historical constructions of Mexican citizenship are implicated in women's current performances of femininity in Chihuahua City. Throughout much of Mexican history, women's rights to life and bodily integrity did not inhere within their own persons but were extensions of the rights of their fathers and husbands. Women living outside male protection had no guarantee of security, and those living within such protection were only guaranteed security from men outside of their relationships of dependency. The following work argues that the legacy of dependent citizenship has created a “bodies politic,” which structures the current system of impunity for gendered violence, and that these structures continue to have an impact on the reimagining of femininity. Drawing on 13 months of fieldwork spent investigating which performances of femininity women most associated with security; this research examines the quotidian strategies through which women are negotiating their need and/or desire to expand upon such performances with their continued desire for security in the increasingly dangerous environment of Northern Mexico.
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