Feet and Tonal Reduction at the Word and Phrase Level in Chinese

Yip, Moira

doi:10.1002/9780470756171.ch12

Cited by 12 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Let us consider a hypothetical rightdominant sandhi system in which a nonfinal syllable must lose its tonal contrast due to a positional faithfulness ranking MAX-DOMINANTEDGE(Tone) » *TONE » MAX(Tone) (Beckman (1998), Yip (2003)). To keep the scenario simple, let us consider an underlying level tone 55 on the second syllable of a disyllabic compound.…”

Section: Faithful Alignment Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Zhang

2007

J East Asian Linguist

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Chinese tone sandhi systems are often classified as left-dominant or right-dominant depending on the position of the syllable retaining the citation tone. An asymmetry exists between the two types of systems: left-dominant sandhi often involves rightward extension of the initial tone to the entire sandhi domain; right-dominant sandhi, however, often involves default insertion and paradigmatic neutralization of nonfinal tones. I argue that the extension of a tone to a larger domain may serve two markedness purposes: the reduction of tonal contours on a syllable and the reduction of pitch differences across syllable boundaries, both of which have a rightward directionality preference. The former is due to the durational advantage afforded by final lengthening; the latter is due to the universal preference for progressive tonal coarticulation. I show that a theory that formally encodes these preferences via intrinsic constraint rankings can predict the directional asymmetry noted above.

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Section: Faithful Alignment Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Zhang

2007

J East Asian Linguist

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“…Another one, which will have the same effect as DEPT, and in addition will prevent generation of excess tonal structure in general, is *TONE (*T), see e.g. Yip (1999), which militates against any tonal structure in outputs. This will in other words penalize any tone that is part of the output, irrespective of input.…”

Section: Interaction Between Tone and Metrical Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Markedness in Urban East Norwegian tonal accent

Kristoffersen¹

2006

Nord J Linguist

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A new formal analysis of the tonal accent contrast in Urban East Norwegian (UEN) is developed in this paper, based on Optimality Theory. Contrary to the widespread assumption that the contrast is based on privativity, this paper represents a return to the position that the contrast derives from different timing of a common underlying melody. Surface privativity, i.e. the absence vs. the presence of an H that can be observed in the contrast between accent 1 and 2 in UEN is analysed as the result of marked (accent 1) vs. unmarked (accent 2) association of a common tonal input. The marked status of accent 1 follows from lexical pre-linking, protected by high-ranking faithfulness, which overrides (unmarked) association driven by the markedness constraints alone.

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“…The position of prominence refers to the position where the citation tone is retained in tone sandhi. Languages that tend to preserve the identity of the rightmost tone while allowing various modifications on the non-final tones in sandhi contexts are normally regarded as right-prominent languages in the literature; those that tend to preserve the leftmost tone while allowing tones in other positions to change are regarded as left-prominent languages (Yip 1980(Yip , 1999(Yip , 2002Shih 1986;Duanmu 1993;Hyman and VanBik 2004, among others). 7 I found that for right-prominent languages, the domains are 7 One of the reviewers suggests that information other than the retention of underlying tone should be provided to prove actual prominence is at work.…”

Section: Prosodic Domain For Tianjinmentioning

confidence: 99%

Variable directional applications in Tianjin tone sandhi

Lin

2008

J East Asian Linguist

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This paper investigates tone sandhi phenomena in the Chinese dialect of Tianjin, which are noteworthy for the rule application directionalities observed in tri-tonal strings. The rule application directionalities appear to be ungoverned, as none of the principles proposed to date that may contribute to determining directionalities can account for them. Based on the constraint-based theory of OT, this paper shows that the rule operation directionalities in Tianjin are by no means ungoverned. Normally tone sandhi applies from left to right for identity reasons. This is captured by the OO-faithfulness constraint IDENT-BOT, which requires identity between prosodically related outputs. The left-to-right directionality is sacrificed only when it would result in output forms that involve marked sequences or toneme deletion at the prominent edge of a tone, which are forbidden by the markedness constraint OCP-T and the positional IO-faithfulness constraint MAX-IO-t-R, respectively. Thus the rule application directionalities in Tianjin are naturally predicted by the interaction of IDENT-BOT, OCP-T, and MAX-IO-t-R, where IDENT-BOT must be dominated by the latter two constraints.

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Feet and Tonal Reduction at the Word and Phrase Level in Chinese

Cited by 12 publications

References 6 publications

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Markedness in Urban East Norwegian tonal accent

Variable directional applications in Tianjin tone sandhi

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