Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933–40

Arielli, Nir

doi:10.1057/9780230281684

Cited by 44 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…This approach was based on one of the fundamental principles of Kemalist Türkiye, which was "peace at home, peace in the world." 3 This resulted in many arrangements to cope with what Türkiye perceived as the most critical threat to its territory and regional influence, namely, Fascist Italy and its expansionary foreign policy 4 in the Mediterranean (Arielli, 2010) and the Balkans, particularly Albania (Roselli, 2006). These needs pushed Türkiye to search for greater cooperation with some Balkan states, finally resulting in the conclusion of the Balkan Pact in 1934; the signatories including Romania, Yugoslavia, and Greece.…”

Section: Defense Principles and Historical Dynamicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Shifting Centrality: The Evolution of Turkish Strategic Posture

Cristiani

2023

Contemporary Review of the Middle East

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This article examines the changing patterns in Türkiye’s strategic and military posture since the establishment of the Republic, with a focus on the developments, and changes, since the 1980s. Originally based on the two principles of deterrence and collective security, this view has later developed in other directions. In the 1980s, this posture started to shift as Türkiye became a more assertive regional player, and the domestic civilian–military balances were changing. This evolution would emerge more visibly under the AKP, as a new perception of the Turkish geographical centrality brought the country to play a pro-active regional and international role, exemplified by the emergence of Türkiye as a peacekeeping actor with an aggressive economic foreign policy. In this period, the Turkish strategic view evolved, making active engagement and forward defense two pillars of a new approach.

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Section: Defense Principles and Historical Dynamicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Shifting Centrality: The Evolution of Turkish Strategic Posture

Cristiani

2023

Contemporary Review of the Middle East

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“…14 12 The "natural" objectives of Fascist foreign policy were Africa and Asia, and to reach both without problems it was necessary to control the Mediterranean. On Fascist policy towards Asia and Africa, I refer to the classic De Felice (1988), and to the more recent Williams (2006) and Arielli (2010), which deal with the issues of Fascist propaganda in Africa and Asia. 13 In fact, according to the Pact of London (1915), Italy should have received various territorial compensations, especially in the Balkan area (articles 5-7), in Anatolia (articles 8-10, 12) and possibly also in the German colonies (article 13).…”

Section: Italian and Fascist Interests In The Levantmentioning

confidence: 99%

Medici Ambitions and Fascist Policies. (Re)reading the Relations between Italy and the Levant in the 1930s through the Historiography on Fakhr al-Dīn II

Trentacoste

2022

Rereading Travellers to the East

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On 13 April 1635, Druze emir Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn was executed in Constantinople, after years of ambiguous relations with the Ottoman sultan. Exactly three centuries later, a biography of the emir was published in Rome, edited by Maronite father Paolo Carali and financed by the Fascist government. The reason why Fascism was interested in his figure can be traced back to the policy implemented by Italy in the 1930s, which sought to penetrate the territories of Lebanon and Syria. However, these were regions in which Fascist Italy had no real interest or claim, and so it sought to build a tie between the Levant and Italy by rereading the historiography of the relationship between “Faccardino” and Medici Tuscany at the beginning of the seventeenth century. By comparing the policies of the Medici and Fascism, it will be possible to highlight how, through Carali’s work, the latter sought to construct a history that would support its ambitions towards the eastern Mediterranean.

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“…The colonial setting, however, is Libya, prompting the author to reflect on Italo-Arab relations. Although considered racially closer to their European masters than sub-Saharan Africans, Arabs were represented as even less inclined towards integration/civilisation (Airelli 2010; Goglia 2005). Their culture and religion, then, if accepted as such – which is to say, recognised as a valid, complex structure of identity – resulted in a much greater obstacle to colonial communication than the total lack of civilisation of sub-Saharan populations.…”

Section: Paternity: Patterns Of Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2.For a valuable analysis of the different role of Arabs and Eritreans in Italian racist and colonial discourse see Airelli 2010; Barrera 2003; Proglio 2016.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Purezza e meticciato: the Italian colonial novel and the (re)production of Italian whiteness

Casales

2020

Mod. Italy

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This essay focuses on the racialising devices that characterise some Italian colonial novels. Specifically, it looks at two novels of the late 1920s – Enrico Cappellina's Un canto nella notte. Romanzo coloniale and Guido Milanesi's La sperduta di Allah – with the aim of highlighting the continuities and discontinuities between the racist models they endorse. A critical close reading of the texts reveals the degree of interconnection between segregationist and inclusivist interpretations of the cross-racial colonial encounter in the first half of the ventennio. With this perspective, the 1936 imperial turning point, even though critical on the institutional level, appears less so in the cultural field of racist production.

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Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933–40

Cited by 44 publications

References 0 publications

A Shifting Centrality: The Evolution of Turkish Strategic Posture

A Shifting Centrality: The Evolution of Turkish Strategic Posture

Medici Ambitions and Fascist Policies. (Re)reading the Relations between Italy and the Levant in the 1930s through the Historiography on Fakhr al-Dīn II

Purezza e meticciato: the Italian colonial novel and the (re)production of Italian whiteness

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