Family, state, class and solidarity: re-conceptualising intergenerational solidarity through the grounded theory approach

Abstract

The relationship between class and intergenerational solidarities in the public and private spheres calls for further conceptual and theoretical development. This article discusses the findings from the first wave of a qualitative longitudinal study entitled , conducted in Ireland in 2011-2012, comprising 100 in-depth interviews with men and women across the age and socioeconomic spectrums. Constructivist grounded theory analysis of the data gives rise to the following postulates: (1) intergenerational solidarity at the family level is strongly contoured by socioeconomic status (SES); (2) intergenerational solidarity evolves as family generations observe each others' practices and adjust their expectations accordingly; (3) intergenerational solidarity within families is also shaped by the public sphere (the welfare state) that generates varying expectations and levels of solidarity regarding State supports for different age groups, again largely dependent on SES; (4) the liberal welfare state context, especially at a time of economic crisis, enhances the significance of intergenerational solidarity within families. We conclude by calling for research that is attuned to age/generation, gender class, and how these operate across the family and societal levels.

Age Relations and Family Ties Over the Life Course: Spanning the Macro–Micro Divide

“…A similar contradiction applies to views of population aging. Although "all would live long," studies of countries in the European Union show generally pessimistic views of population aging (Velladics, Henkens, & Van Dalen, 2006) even though the old and young consider the old as deserving of private and public support (Timonen, Conlon, Scharf, & Carney, 2013;see Marcum & Treas, 2013).…”

Generational conflict and provisions for the elderly in Hong Kong: The relevance of position‐based interest and values

“…Dumas and Turner () argue that certain values, such as adherence to collectivism, sustain the notion of citizenship, which regulates the rights and obligations of individuals. As the elderly are generally perceived to be less capable and productive, they are accepted as dependents who are in need, at both familial and societal levels (Timonen, Conlon, Scharf, & Carney, ). The values associated with collectivity—a shared sense of justice, solidarity, altruism, and egalitarian values—generally favor greater distribution of resources to seniors as deserved (Rantanen, McLaughlin, & Toikko, ).…”

“…A study by Street and Cossman () found no evidence that age is a factor in attitudes toward social spending. National studies have shown no evidence of generational conflict in Ireland (Timonen et al., ), Norway (Bengtson & Oyama, ), or Australia (Hodgkin, ). Wisensale (), who found no such conflict in Germany, suggests that its absence is due to Germany's long history of universal coverage and an appreciation of seniors’ contribution to the community.…”

Mothers, daughters, and learning to labour: Framing work through gender and generation

“…Val has worked hard to foster her daughter Tara's autonomy—giving Tara her first job at the start of high school so that she could have her own money and make her own choices and encouraging her to pursue higher education. Timonen et al () argue that this “generational family practice” is inherently classed (and I argue gendered). Burke () writes about an “entitled middle class” of young workers, whose education success and class position help to create an ultimately unrealistic expectation of success in the labour market.…”