Family Life History and Late Mid‐Life Mortality in Norway

Kravdal, Øystein; Grundy, Emily; Lyngstad, Torkild Hovde; Wiik, Kenneth Aarskaug

doi:10.1111/j.1728-4457.2012.00491.x

Cited by 40 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 50 publications

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“…O'Flaherty et al 2016;Kravdal et al 2012). Two causal mechanisms have been suggested to drive the relationship between individuals' fertility and later life health outcomes including survival (see, for example, Grundy and Tomassini 2005;Mirowsky 2005;Henretta 2007).…”

Section: Parenthood and Adult Healthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Families and Health: A Review

Hank

Steinbach

2018

A Demographic Perspective on Gender, Family and Health in Europe

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Section: Parenthood and Adult Healthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Families and Health: A Review

Hank

Steinbach

2018

A Demographic Perspective on Gender, Family and Health in Europe

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“…They interpret this to mean that younger children place demands on the widow's resources, leading to elevated poverty, stress, and mortality, whereas older children would have helped the family through employment. Kravdal et al (2012) also examined mortality, using Norwegian register data.…”

Section: Joint Effects Of Marital and Fertility Histories On Healthmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Marriage and parenthood have been shown to be associated with diverse health outcomes With some notable exceptions (Henretta 2007;Kravdal et al 2012;Sabbath et al 2015;Williams et al 2011), most research has focused on marital or fertility histories as independent predictors of health. However, there are compelling reasons to suggest that marital and fertility trajectories will be interdependently related to health.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For instance, Alter, Dribe and Van Poppel (2007) found that high fertility led to excess mortality for women widowed early in their lives, but that this effect diminished with older age at widowhood. Kravdal et al (2012) also analyzed mortality and found multiple interdependent effects of fertility and partnership histories. For instance, multi-partner fertility, an interaction of parity and marital history, and the timing of fertility and marital events vis-à-vis one another were all related to mortality.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While several previous studies have examined joint fertility and partnership history classifications in relation to different aspects of health or at different life stages (Barban 2013;Kravdal et al 2012), we are unaware of any previous work which has considered how long term family life course trajectories are implicated in physical health in middle and older age. Consistent with life course theory (Elder 1985;Macmillan & Copher 2005), we use multi-channel sequence analysis (Gauthier et al 2010) to group persons with similar family life course trajectories, incorporating the occurrence, number and timing of fertility and marital events (childbirth, marriage, and marital disruption).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Family formation patterns and physical health in Australia: a life course approach

O’Flaherty¹

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Social science has long studied the relationships between processes of family formation and health, although empirical patterns in this domain of study are often variable, and their interpretation uncertain. Constrained by lack of suitable data, analytic techniques, and conceptual tools, work in this area has until recently been largely static, focussed on documenting and interpreting crosssectional associations between occupancy of family roles and health. However, as data and methodology matured and developed economies continued their transition away from the once dominant 'male breadwinner' model of the family, more sophisticated approaches that acknowledge the dynamic relationships between family formation and health have become both more feasible and more urgent.This thesis applies a life course approach to the study of family formation and health in the (2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014), and form the primary material for four empirical chapters. The first empirical chapter utilizes multichannel sequence analysis and growth models to investigate how holistic patterns of family formation (incorporating both partnership and fertility trajectories from ages 18-50) are associated with trajectories of physical health at ages 51 and older. For men, family life course trajectories characterized by early family formation, failure to marry, or early divorce without subsequent remarriage are found to be predictive of poorer health outcomes, while for women only those who experienced high fertility paired with a disrupted marital history were found to be in poorer health than those who experienced a normatively 'standard' family life course.The second, third, and fourth empirical chapters focus on different aspects of the relationship between parental age at first birth and later life heath. The first of these contextualizes changes in first birth timing in historical context, presents a descriptive analysis of the characteristics of younger/older first time mothers and fathers, and uses multinomial logistic regression to assess the contribution of early-life family and socio-economic disadvantage, health, and cognitive and noncognitive skills to first birth timing. Consistent with prior research, background family disadvantage and age at school leaving was found to have strong effects on birth timing, in particular for women.ii There was also some evidence of health selection into early first birth, with the largest effects again found for women.The third empirical chapter considers the effect of first birth timing on long-term health outcomes (ages 41 and older). In addition to the primary issue of whether there is an effect of birth timing on health, the analysis pays particular attention to several research questions: first, which pre- as mechanisms, as changes at the time of the parenthood transition and in the years thereafter did not differ depending on age at first birth. Younger parents do experience potentially harmful changes in alcohol use and soc...

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Midlife

Waite

Hanis-Martin

2014

The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Health, Illness, Behavior, and Society

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Midlife usually refers to the period of an individual's life approximately between the ages of 40 and 65. Midlife, or middle age, is a European–American construction of mature adulthood according to chronological, biological, and medical terms, and is generally associated with declining vitality and the passing of youth, but also with peak performance and generativity. The concept of midlife as it is thought of now was not really possible until life expectancy was above 40 years, occurring in the late nineteenth century, when life expectancy began to rise sharply from about 46 to around 80. Until recently we learned about midlife primarily through studying other stages of life. But since the 1970s midlife has been identified as a topic worthy of study on its own, which is usually attributed to the recent, sharp increase in the number of middle‐aged adults. Currently in the United States about 80 million people are aged 45 to 65 – that is, 26 percent of the population.

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Family Life History and Late Mid‐Life Mortality in Norway

Cited by 40 publications

References 50 publications

Families and Health: A Review

Families and Health: A Review

Family formation patterns and physical health in Australia: a life course approach

Midlife

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