Failed Populism: Movement-Party Disjuncture in North Carolina, 1890 to 1900

Redding, Kent

doi:10.2307/2096240

Cited by 18 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…To my knowledge, researchers have not explicitly argued for this process of identity formation among non-elites, but it is theoretically possible and provides a clear model for direct influence by movements. It also is suggested by Redding's (1992) focus on face-to-face interaction and club rituals in the development of Farmers' Alliance identity and is consistent with Lindsay's discussion of the importance for evangelical elites of fellowship experiences within parachurch networks. If religious selfidentification as a traditional, moderate or liberal Catholic is a result of direct socialization by movement organizations and members, then creation and maintenance of identity by movements and movement elites is both direct and potent.…”

Section: Theorizing Movements and Identities Among Catholicssupporting

confidence: 71%

“…In examining politics, analysts have noted that different processes of identity formation occur within political movements as opposed to political parties (McNall 1988;Przeworski and Sprague 1986;Redding 1992). Redding (1992) examined the Farmers' Alliance Movement in pre-1900 North Carolina and its relationship with the Populist Party.…”

Section: Identity In the Political Fieldmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Redding (1992) examined the Farmers' Alliance Movement in pre-1900 North Carolina and its relationship with the Populist Party. He argued that the identity formed through involvement with the Alliance movement differed considerably from that inculcated by the People's Party and its activities.…”

Section: Identity In the Political Fieldmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Self-Identified Traditional, Moderate, and Liberal Catholics: Movement-Based Identities or Something Else?

Starks

2008

Qual Sociol

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Through qualitative analyses of 50 in-depth interviews with Catholics in three Midwestern cities, I investigate the role of religious movement organizations in the formation of Catholic identities. I find that movement organizations and elites tend to have little direct impact on the formation of Catholic parishioners' identities in my sample. While movements' disruptions and interactions with media are useful for generating debate and wider recognition of religious disagreements, my respondents are not usually socialized by nor do they identify with familiar movements when they call themselves traditional, moderate, and liberal. Most are uninterested in and unacquainted with movement organizations and publications. Instead, their religious identification is a form of religious mapping, which reflects their self-understood position vis-à-vis recognized cultural conflicts within the larger religious community. While movements play a limited role, I argue that we should be wary of conceptualizing Catholic identities as products of movement groups or parachurch networks since most Catholic identity-work occurs within families and parishes, as opposed to movements or parachurch organizations.Galvanized by the (re)emergence of the Christian Right into politics, researchers have become increasingly interested in politicized religious identities and the consequences of these identities for politics and social change. Robert Wuthnow (1988Wuthnow ( , 1989) studied the emergence of divisions between religious conservatives and liberals since World War II. ) investigated and debated the existence of a culture war between religious progressives and the orthodox of all faiths. In addition, political scientists and sociologists examined various Protestant religious self-identifications, including evangelical, liberal, pentecostal, mainline, and fundamentalist (

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Section: Theorizing Movements and Identities Among Catholicssupporting

confidence: 71%

Section: Identity In the Political Fieldmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Self-Identified Traditional, Moderate, and Liberal Catholics: Movement-Based Identities or Something Else?

Starks

2008

Qual Sociol

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“…Network forms of organization (Powell 1990), for example, rely on matrix structures within and across firms and employ flatter and nimbler organizational structures (Uzzi 1997). And socialmovement organizations, what Bordt (1988) has called "pragmatic collectivities," are also shaped in significant ways by ideology and politics (Redding 1992).…”

Section: Theoretical Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Organizational Liminality and Interstitial Creativity: The Fellowship of Power

Lindsay¹

2010

Social Forces

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Formal organizations share a common set of characteristics that include identifiable operating principles and coordinating mechanisms as well as lines of authority and communication. However, some organizations -especially those on the margins of institutional fields -creatively combine institutional and anti-institutional characteristics. This tendency, which I call organizational liminality, represents a way in which certain groups resist the isomorphic tendencies of modern organizational life. By comparing a group called The Fellowship, a religious organization of national and world leaders, with peer organizations, I show how formalized liminality is an intentional organizational strategy and discuss how this produces unique resources and liabilities for the group.

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“…As movement leaders attempt to extend the base of support by appealing to a wider range of interests or by wate ring down their goals, core supporters may defect, sensing that the movement is no longer "theirs" and that it is no longer concerned with winning concrete benefits on their behalf. This tension between organizing a social movement and influencing the broader political process is a long-standing problem for movement leaders, as illustrated in particular by Przworski's (1985) treatment of labor movement efforts to expand its base of political support in modern democratic nations (see also Fishman 1990;Oestreicher 1995;Redding 1992).…”

Section: Framing Social Structure and Boundary Constructionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Corn, Klansmen, and Coolidge: Structure and Framing in Social Movements

2004

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This article examines how structural conditions and social movement frames interactto influence mobilization and political consequences 01 social movements.Mobilization efforts benefit when movement framing is congruent with localstructural conditions. This mobilization, in turn, produces politicalleverage for the movement through its capacity to deliver support of its members and adherents. Its political advantage may be offtet, however, if another of its key framing activities, the construction ofcollective identity boundaries, alienates the broader populatton and stimulates a backlash. Such backlash is also intimately connected to structural conditions because its potential is a function of the characteristics of the local population -specifically, the proportion of the population alienated by the movement's boundary construction. We apply these arguments to the case of the Indiana Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s and show that while the Klan's diagnostic and prognostic framing may have resonated structurally and facilitated the Klan's mobilization efforts, its exclusionary boundaries frustrated its attempts to secure broader political gains.

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Failed Populism: Movement-Party Disjuncture in North Carolina, 1890 to 1900

Cited by 18 publications

References 21 publications

Self-Identified Traditional, Moderate, and Liberal Catholics: Movement-Based Identities or Something Else?

Self-Identified Traditional, Moderate, and Liberal Catholics: Movement-Based Identities or Something Else?

Organizational Liminality and Interstitial Creativity: The Fellowship of Power

Corn, Klansmen, and Coolidge: Structure and Framing in Social Movements

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