Facing Fascism

Crowson, Nick

doi:10.4324/9780203442685

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Their propaganda method sought to involve those who visited the continent and reported their impressions of the visit to their fellow party members and Whitehall officials. 71 This is exactly what happened in the area of sports and physical training. Of course, propaganda had to fall on fertile ground to be successful.…”

Section: Observation and Official Visitsmentioning

confidence: 85%

“…This had an impact on sport and PE as 'sport came to constitute part of the British strategy for cultural propaganda'. 41 Politically, appeasement generally appeared to the British Conservatives as the most realistic policy to adopt, 42 so there was no reason to resist taking an interest in an experiment that seemed to be working well: 'It will be a sad thing for democracy if "the opinion of the people" in this matter of health and happiness continues to lag behind the accepted teaching of dictatorship'. 43 As consequence, numerous exchange visits and sports meetings took place in addition to major events.…”

Section: A New Direction? Anglo-german Contacts In the Period Of Appementioning

confidence: 98%

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Reversing the Influence: Anglo-German Relations and British Fitness Policies in the 1930s

Bolz¹

2014

Sport in History

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Section: Observation and Official Visitsmentioning

confidence: 85%

Section: A New Direction? Anglo-german Contacts In the Period Of Appementioning

confidence: 98%

Reversing the Influence: Anglo-German Relations and British Fitness Policies in the 1930s

Bolz¹

2014

Sport in History

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“…87 Grass-roots Conservative party opinion itself was deeply unsettled by the Kristallnacht pogrom, with the chairperson of the Chelmsford Conservative Women's Association apparently echoing the views of her members when she noted that 'it was generally felt that this country should take a definite lead in evolving a policy to help a persecuted people'. 88 This allows us to set what were ostensibly small-scale protests against Scholtz-Klink's visit in the broader domestic political context, although equally it would be wrong to under-estimate the desire for peace that still existed in Britain in March 1939, as Lady Astor's (self-) defensive article for the News Chronicle alluded to, with its blunt message: appeasement or war. 89…”

Section: Internationalism and Anti-fascismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Peace at any Price: the Visit of Nazi Women's Leader Gertrud Scholtz-Klink to London in March 1939 and the Response of British Women Activists

Gottlieb

Stibbe

2016

Women's History Review

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In early March 1939 the Nazi women's leader (Reichsfrauenfühererin) Gertrud Scholtz-Klink made a littleknown visit to London at the invitation of the Women's League of Health and Beauty and the Anglo-German Fellowship. Taking place against the background of intense efforts to maintain peace, and growing expectations of war, the visit prompted a variety of responses from British women activists. Through analysing these responses, as well as examining why this visit has been overlooked in historical writing, this article sheds new light both on women's particular contribution to appeasement and on the gendering and feminising of internationalist activism in the aftermath of the First World War more generally. The German intentions behind accepting the invitation, the protests by a small number of London-based anti-fascist women and the reason why even some pro-appeasement women like Nancy Astor refused to meet Scholtz-Klink, are also explored. In March 1939, a few days before German troops entered Prague and thereby made the renewed Nazi threat to European peace and British security all too real, a significant, but now largely forgotten, international visit took place from Berlin to London. The specially-invited guest who arrived at Croydon airport on 7 March to be received by assembled photographers and newspaper reporters, as well as officials from the German embassy, was Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, leader of the National Socialist Women's League (NSF-Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft) and of the subsidiary mass organisation for women in the Third Reich, the German Women's Enterprise (DFW-Deutsches Frauenwerk). 1 Her trip lasted for three days and included a dinner held in her honour at Claridge's, a five-star hotel in London's Mayfair, and attended by a long list of dignitaries, including, among others, representatives of the National Council of Women, the National Women Citizens' Association, the Townswomen's Guild and the Auxiliary Territorial Service League. Ironically, many of these organisations were also involved in preparing British

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“…On 29 March, thirty Conservative dissidents, including Churchill and Duff Cooper, tabled a motion calling for conscription to be introduced. 84 Several days earlier the 1922 Committee had expressed support for compulsory service, a fact not lost on Corbin. 85 For Paris, these signs offered hope that a favourable decision was imminent.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Franco-British Relations and the Question of Conscription in Britain, 1938–1939

Hucker

2008

Contemp. Eur. Hist.

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-This article examines the relationship interaction between the French campaign for the introduction of British conscription during 1938-39 and the ebbs and flows of British public opinion on the same issue. In particular, it will demonstrate how French pressure for conscription varied in intensity depending on their perceptions of British opinion on the subject. It was this interaction between diplomatic and domestic pressures that ultimately compelled the British government to introduce conscription in April 1939. Furthermore, the issue of conscription also sheds light on the wider issue of In addition, the conscription question can be used as a 'core sample' with which to analyse the wider issue of Franco-British relations during the final months of peace. , 1919-1941, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 2French pressure for conscription certainly shows that the notion of an 'English Governess' does not stand up to scrutiny. 4 However, the counter argument is also problematic. Talbot Imlay's suggestion that France adopted a politique de fermeté independently of Britain is persuasive but not clear-cut. 5 The conscription 'core sample' reveals that the reality was more ambiguous: although the French government undoubtedly became more assertive, it did not act entirely independently of Britain, always paying careful attention to British public opinion. Reports from the London embassy during 1938-9 indicated that British public opinion was sympathetic to the firmer foreign policy adopted by Paris and, moreover, was prepared to increase the degree of British commitment to France, even at the cost of conscription.

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Facing Fascism

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Reversing the Influence: Anglo-German Relations and British Fitness Policies in the 1930s

Reversing the Influence: Anglo-German Relations and British Fitness Policies in the 1930s

Peace at any Price: the Visit of Nazi Women's Leader Gertrud Scholtz-Klink to London in March 1939 and the Response of British Women Activists

Franco-British Relations and the Question of Conscription in Britain, 1938–1939

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