Extra deletion in fragment answers and its implications

An, Duk‐Ho

doi:10.1007/s10831-016-9144-7

Cited by 17 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…According to the standard analysis of FAs, inspired by Merchant’s (2001, 2004) seminal work, FAs are derived from an underlying full sentence that undergoes deletion (e.g. Hankamer 1979; Merchant 2004; Park 2005, 2013; Ahn & Cho 2011, 2017; Ince 2012; Park & Oh 2014, 2015; Weir 2014; An 2016, 2018; Park 2016). More specifically, the constituent that surfaces as the FA itself, that is, the remnant, is assumed to undergo movement to FocusP located high in the traditional CP outside the deletion domain 11 .…”

Section: Derivation Of Secsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Especially, adopting the move-and-delete analysis of fragment answers (see, e.g. Merchant 2004; Park 2005; An 2016), I propose that SECs start out as a full-fledged embedded clause in a complex sentence and undergo movement, followed by deletion of the rest of the clause. I also discuss how the mismatch between clause types and illocutionary force can be captured and how the prosodic properties of SECs can be accounted for.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Clause types, intonation and stranded embedded clauses

An¹

2022

J. Ling.

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In this paper, I examine the properties of a construction in Korean speech that has not received much attention in the literature. I refer to the construction in question as the ‘stranded embedded clause’ (SEC). SECs are a special type of echoed utterance, where an utterance in the form of an embedded clause is repeated for various reasons. The characteristic properties of the SEC involve the fact that there can be a mismatch between the type of the clause indicated by the clause type marker that they contain and the actual illocutionary force of the utterance that is indicated by its prosody. The complementizer is also obligatory, despite the fact that no matrix clause element shows up—hence, the name stranded embedded clause. I propose a deletion-based analysis of SECs, where they start out as a full-fledged embedded clause in a complex sentence and undergo movement, followed by deletion of the rest of the clause. It should be noted that this is essentially how fragment answers (and some other ellipsis constructions) have been analysed in the literature. Indeed, I show that there is a parallelism between SECs and fragment answers, which I argue provides support for the deletion-based approach to the former.

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Section: Derivation Of Secsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clause types, intonation and stranded embedded clauses

An¹

2022

J. Ling.

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“… 18 It has been proposed in the literature that there are instances where deletion can actually target non-constituents (Abe 2016 ; An 2007 , 2016 , 2018 , 2019 ; Mukai 2003 , Ott and Struckmeier 2016 , 2018 , Sato and Maeda 2018 , among others). However, this does not mean that deletion is unconstrained.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…In fact, the same is true of Merchant’s ( 2004 ) own analysis of fragment answers in English. See An ( 2016 ) and Saito and An ( 2014 ) for further discussion and references for sluicing and fragment answers in Korean.…”

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confidence: 99%

Reduced NP comparatives in Korean and their implications

2020

J East Asian Linguist

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In this paper, I examine a novel type of comparative construction in Korean, namely, reduced NP comparatives (RNC), and consider its implications. On the surface, RNC may appear to be a case of the usual NP comparative construction in that two NPs are involved. But, unlike typical NP comparatives, the element bearing the marker of the standard of comparison in RNC does not directly participate in the comparison, i.e., there is a mismatch between the standard and pivot. I argue this is due to the fact that the standard is reduced to leave only the pivot on the surface, hence the name "reduced" NP comparatives. I also argue that one of the factors that determines the availability of RNC is the notion of comparability, which is based on whether or not the compared elements can be associated with the same scale, where the scale is part of the semantics of the gradable predicate (Cf. Kennedy 2009). The interesting twist is that RNC is possible only if the relevant elements are not comparable with each other, i.e., they should denote different types of objects that cannot be associated with the same scale. Adopting Merchant's (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford University

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Another way to avoid islands

2018

J East Asian Linguist

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Extra deletion in fragment answers and its implications

Cited by 17 publications

References 22 publications

Clause types, intonation and stranded embedded clauses

Clause types, intonation and stranded embedded clauses

Reduced NP comparatives in Korean and their implications

Another way to avoid islands

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