Exploring Romano–British finds assemblages

Cool, H. E. M.; Baxter, MJ

doi:10.1111/1468-0092.00168

Cited by 25 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 8 publications

(10 reference statements)

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“…Bourdieu 1984), market research (Hoffman and Franke 1986) and archaeology (e.g. Shennan 1997;Cool and Baxter 2002;Pitts 2005). An added advantage of using CA over PCA is that it produces a pair of dual displays whose row and column geometries have similar interpretations (Hoffman and Franke 1986), with patterns in the first set of categorical variables or rows (types of lipid, for example) directly corresponding to the respective patterns in the second set of categorical variables (regional groupings of countries, for example).…”

Section: Data and Methods: Towards A Geography Of Lipidsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Oil for Food: The Global Story of Edible Lipids

Pitts

Dorling

Pattie

2007

JWSR

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Section: Data and Methods: Towards A Geography Of Lipidsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Oil for Food: The Global Story of Edible Lipids

Pitts

Dorling

Pattie

2007

JWSR

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“…For archaeology generally, see, e.g., Johnsson et al 2000;Rautman and Talalay 2000. For Ro man archaeology, see, e.g., Cool and Baxter 2005;Cool 2010, esp. 29-36. 22 Dfaz-Andreu 2005,37-9; see also Hadley 2004;Pohl 2004.…”

Section: [For Bibliography])mentioning

confidence: 99%

Characterizing Roman Artifacts to Investigate Gendered Practices in Contexts Without Sexed Bodies

Allison

2015

American Journal of Archaeology

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This article concerns the characterization of Roman artifacts so that they can play a greater role in gendered approaches to Roman sites-sites that constitute lived spaces but lack actual references to sexed bodies. It commences with a brief discussion on gendered approaches in the two main strands of Roman archaeology-classical and provincial. Within the differing frameworks of the wider disciplines of classics and archaeology, both strands focus on contexts with sexed bodies-burials, figurative representation, and inscriptions. The discussion serves as a background for more integrated and more interrogative approaches to relationships between Roman ar tifacts and gendered practices, approaches that aim to develop interpretative tools for investigating social practice in contexts where no representational or biologi cally sexed bodies are evident. Three types of artifacts-brooches, glass bottles, and needles-are used to demonstrate how differing degrees of gender associations of artifacts and artifact assemblages can provide insights into gender relationships in settlement contexts. These insights in turn contribute to better understandings of gendered sociospatial practices across the Roman world.*

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“…In Roman archaeology, in particular, there has been a presumed precedence of production over consumption (see Green 2005), rather than a concept of reciprocity, with consumption as the logical outcome of production and not as an active agent. Cool 2002;Cool and Baxter 2002;Gardner n.d.;Pitts 2005). Rather they have tended to be carried out at a later stage (e.g.…”

Section: Engendering Artefactsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Next stop: Gender. Women at Roman military forts in Germany

Tomášková¹

2006

Arch. Dial.

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Artefacts from military bases of the early Roman Empire potentially indicate not only the presence of women and children inside the walls, but also their movements, activities and impact on fort life. This paper explores dynamic approaches to categorizing and gendering artefacts for more holistic investigations of artefact assemblages. It uses GIS mapping techniques to analyse the distribution patterns of 'gendered' artefacts within three forts on the German frontier -Vetera I, Ellingen and Oberstimm. It investigates the social significance of these patterns within and between the forts to better understand women's place in this sphere.2 discussion army on campaign. These 'camp-followers' and their impact on this frontier community have taken a more prominent place in recent investigations of the Roman military (e.g. Goldsworthy and Haynes 1999). However, the general understanding is that, for the early empire, the only families accommodated within the fort were those of senior officers. Well-known examples are Sulpicia Lepidina and Claudia Severa -wives of two commanding officers stationed in northern Britain ca A.D. 95-105 (Bowman and Thomas 1994, no. 291). Commanding and senior officers' residences were often laid out and furbished in a seemingly appropriate manner for a household comprising a family and servants (Birley 1977, 90), with hypocaust heating, wall-painting, sculpture and private bath suites, similar to well-appointed urban and rural houses.The perceived wisdom has been that other non-military personnel, such as tradespersons, were housed in settlements outside the fort, the vici and the canabae, and that there were no families of other serving men in this community because ordinary soldiers were not permitted to marry.

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Exploring Romano–British finds assemblages

Cited by 25 publications

References 8 publications

Oil for Food: The Global Story of Edible Lipids

Oil for Food: The Global Story of Edible Lipids

Characterizing Roman Artifacts to Investigate Gendered Practices in Contexts Without Sexed Bodies

Next stop: Gender. Women at Roman military forts in Germany

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