Exploring Diplomatic Crisis of Nigeria and South Africa between 1994 and 2013

Umezurike, Samuel Augustine; Lucky, Asuelime E

doi:10.5901/mjss.2015.v4n1p65

Cited by 7 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…Briggs 2005, Ajaebili (2011), Gusau, (2013) and Umezurike and Asuelime (2015) summarily concluded that the main anchors of foreign policy of Nigeria at independence on October 1, 1960 included:…”

Section: An Overview Of Nigeria's Foreign Policy In Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-examining Nigeria’s Contributions to the African Union and the Domestic Socio-Economic Ramifications

Umezurike¹,

Iwu²,

Asuelime³

et al. 2017

JEBS

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While there have been scholarly studies that address Nigeria’s diplomacy and contribution to the African Union (AU), many of them have failed to compare and contrast how those have added to the socio-economic development of Nigeria. We encountered a few instances where attempts were made to explain such, yet a fully-fledged analysis lacked in their conclusions. We applied documentary analysis methodology in our review and found that there is a serious misalignment between Nigeria’s diplomacy and support for the African Union on one hand and positive socio-economic development in Nigeria on the other. The study also looks at exploring how the general framework of Nigeria’s foreign policy goals and strategies in Africa can serve both its national interest and the overall development goals of Africa. We argue that for Nigeria’s role in the AU to be meaningful, the country needs to simultaneously revive its internal socio-economic condition.

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Section: An Overview Of Nigeria's Foreign Policy In Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-examining Nigeria’s Contributions to the African Union and the Domestic Socio-Economic Ramifications

Umezurike¹,

Iwu²,

Asuelime³

et al. 2017

JEBS

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“…In 2013, South Africa-Africa stood at $US25b (Gumade, 2014). South African exports to other African countries are mostly finished products because it remains the most industrialized country on the continent while Nigeria has been de-industrialized (Aremu, 2013;Umezurike and Asuelime, 2015). According to the report of the IDCSA 2013 report, the top five South African exports to Africa in 2012 were machinery (22%), base metals (14%), transport equipment (14%), chemical products (11%) and mineral products (10%) (Industrial Development Corporation of South Africa, 2013).…”

Section: Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, the current administration has maintained Mbeki's approach of quiet diplomacy in response to the Zimbabwean crisis. In the case of the yellow fever diplomatic feud with Nigeria, South Africa realized that a diplomatic spat would not benefit the country; in light of strong business interests in Nigeria, an apology was quickly forthcoming (Umezurike and Asuelime, 2015). This was the same foreign policy strategy as that which prompted South Africa to oppose the late General Sani Abacha military junta's human rights abuses in Nigeria and the hanging of the Ogoni 9, including environmental activist, Ken Saro Wiwa in 1995 (Banjo & Omidiran, 2000;Adebajo, 2007;Banjo, 2010).…”

Section: South Africa's Soft Stance Towards Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Counting the Cost? A Cautionary Analysis of South Africa's BRICS Membership

Umezurike

Ogunnubi

2016

JEBS

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BRICS is a grouping of five major developing countries that includes Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, all with the ambition of changing the governance architecture of international political-economy but with claims to speedy industrialization, fast growing economies and relatively strong regional and global influence. South Africa joined BRICS at the invitation of China in 2010 and has shown commitment to the group through friendly relations with other member countries. The countryâ€™s extensive economic links with China and the other BRICS states underpinned its strategy of diversifying its external trade especially with regard to looking away from West. This article employs content analysis to reflect on South Africaâ€™s membership of BRICS, focusing specifically on the countryâ€™s relations with China. It argues that, while South Africaâ€™s economic indicators do not fit well with the BRICS grouping, China is promoting this relationship in order to counter the Westâ€™s neo-imperialism and neo-liberal rhetoric. South Africaâ€™s willingness to accept Chinese superiority in the African market and to act as a junior partner in the global power configuration makes the country the perfect choice for this project.

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“…This has borne fruit in the Rainbow Nation's entrepreneurship, especially in terms of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa and elsewhere and international good citizenship underlined by the morality inherent in its foreign policy on the continent due to the international stature of postapartheid leaders (see Geldenhuys, 2010;Ogunnubi and Isike, 2015). Ndlovu (2010), Grix and Lee (2013) and Umezurike and Asuelime (2015) note that South Africa's hosting of sports megaevents can be seen as a demonstration of public diplomacy to portray its soft power capability as well as a strategy to pursue its broader global interests. In like manner, South Africa has hosted major international conferences, capitalizing on its superb infrastructure inherited from the apartheid regime (Umezurike, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

South Africa’s ‘Africa Renaissance’ Project: Between Rhetoric and Practice

Umezurike¹,

Ogunnubi²

2016

SJSECO

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South Africa's putative status in Africa as a regional and sub-regional hegemonic power is sometimes viewed from the prism of its exceptionalism and Afro-modernity. The study on which this article is based analyzed secondary data from print and electronic media to argue that although South Africa has shown mixed behavior in its foreign policy in Africa, neo-imperialism is not the most appropriate mode to conceptualize it. Contrary to the arguments of some studies that have unjustifiably placed South Africa's continental diplomacy in Africa within the orbit of neoimperialism or sub-imperialism, this paper argues that South African diplomacy in Africa is also captured within the orbit of its constitutional democracy. We argue that South Africa has collaborated with international capital to create unequal exchange between it and Africa. South Africa's African Renaissance rhetoric appears more of a response to the world economic order it found itself in at the end of apartheid than the purported African revival it projects.

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Exploring Diplomatic Crisis of Nigeria and South Africa between 1994 and 2013

Cited by 7 publications

References 5 publications

Re-examining Nigeria’s Contributions to the African Union and the Domestic Socio-Economic Ramifications

Re-examining Nigeria’s Contributions to the African Union and the Domestic Socio-Economic Ramifications

Counting the Cost? A Cautionary Analysis of South Africa's BRICS Membership

South Africa’s ‘Africa Renaissance’ Project: Between Rhetoric and Practice

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