Explaining the Gaps in White, Black, and Hispanic Violence since 1990

Abstract

While group differences in violence have long been a key focus of sociological inquiry, we know comparatively little about the trends in criminal violence for whites, blacks, and Hispanics in recent decades. Combining geocoded death records with multiple data sources to capture the socioeconomic, demographic, and legal context of 131 of the largest metropolitan areas in the United States, this article examines the trends in racial/ethnic inequality in homicide rates since 1990. In addition to exploring long-established explanations (e.g., disadvantage), we also investigate how three of the most significant societal changes over the past 20 years, namely, rapid immigration, mass incarceration, and rising wealth inequality affect racial/ethnic homicide gaps. Across all three comparisons—white-black, white-Hispanic, and black-Hispanic—we find considerable convergence in homicide rates over the past two decades. Consistent with expectations, structural disadvantage is one of the strongest predictors of levels and changes in racial/ethnic violence disparities. In contrast to predictions based on strain theory, racial/ethnic wealth inequality has not increased disparities in homicide. Immigration, on the other hand, appears to be associated with declining white-black homicide differences. Consistent with an incapacitation/deterrence perspective, greater racial/ethnic incarceration disparities are associated with smaller racial/ethnic gaps in homicide.

The Enduring Significance of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Male Violent Victimization, 1973–2010

“…The remaining Black versus White disparity is likely explained in part by variables not available in the NCVS, such as residential segregation, social isolation, and other community level factors. This thinking is consistent with Wilson's thesis and macrolevel research on homicide (e.g., Light and Ulmer, 2016;Peterson and Krivo, 2012).…”

“…Thus, despite the fact that there have been substantial declines in rates of male serious violence, and some small declines in racial and ethnic differences in residential segregation, poverty, and wealth, we find no statistical evidence that racial/ethnic victimization disparities have changed over the past four decades. 19 Therefore, our findings for serious violence differ from research on homicide in U.S. metropolitan areas, which reports that racial and ethnic disparities decreased from 1990 to 2010 (Light and Ulmer, 2016).…”

“…A recent study of Black, Latino, and White homicide victimization rates in U.S. metropolitan areas also is consistent with the hypothesis that racial disparities in nonlethal violence may have changed over time. Michael Light and Jeffrey Ulmer (2016) found that the gap between Black and White homicide rates decreased 40% between 1990 and 2010, and the gap between Black and Latino rates decreased 35% during this period. The difference between Latino and White homicide rates decreased more (55%) during this period.…”

“…Racial and ethnic differences in violent victimization are well documented. Rates of violent victimization among non-Latino Blacks (hereafter referred to as Blacks) exceed Latino and non-Latino White rates (hereafter referred to as Whites), and Latino rates surpass White rates (e.g., Hawkins 1995; LaFree et al, 2010; Lauritsen and Heimer, 2010; Light and Ulmer, 2016; Peterson and Krivo, 1999; Phillips 2002; Sampson and Lauritsen, 1994). Most of the research on race and ethnic differences in rates focuses on homicide victimization and reveals large disparities in risk across these three population groups.…”

Reassessing “Toward a Theory of Race, Crime, and Urban Inequality”

“…Sampson (2013, p. 20) adds a longitudinal question to this litany: "Will lower crime rates in the first and second generation endure?" And Light and Ulmer's (2016) analysis suggests that increased immigration diminishes community level disparities between Black and White rates of homicide. 10…”