2009
DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtp011
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Expiation as Performative Rhetoric in National-Catholicism: The Politics of Gesture in Post-Civil War Spain

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Cited by 5 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…The political instrumentalisation of a festival as popular as Holy Week, for example, demonstrates the way in which the fascist and Catholic elements came perfectly together on the streets, combining patriotic hymns and military uniforms with religious images and incense. Furthermore, during the 1940s, it was habitual that the people perform a fascist salute as the image passed by, rousing mistrust and suspicion on the part of the church, which considered other gestures, such as kneeling or maintaining silence, as more appropriate (Vincent, 2009). Actions of this type show the capacity of the people not only to participate in national ceremonies 'from the margins' but also to endow them with new significances, often the opposite of those of the authorities (Thompson, 2001, p. 27).…”
Section: From Banal To Everyday Nationalism: Bringing Back Ordinary Spaniardsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The political instrumentalisation of a festival as popular as Holy Week, for example, demonstrates the way in which the fascist and Catholic elements came perfectly together on the streets, combining patriotic hymns and military uniforms with religious images and incense. Furthermore, during the 1940s, it was habitual that the people perform a fascist salute as the image passed by, rousing mistrust and suspicion on the part of the church, which considered other gestures, such as kneeling or maintaining silence, as more appropriate (Vincent, 2009). Actions of this type show the capacity of the people not only to participate in national ceremonies 'from the margins' but also to endow them with new significances, often the opposite of those of the authorities (Thompson, 2001, p. 27).…”
Section: From Banal To Everyday Nationalism: Bringing Back Ordinary Spaniardsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…La afirmación de Miguel de Unamuno en el paraninfo de la Universidad de la Salamanca de "vencer no es convencer" no puede darse por válida. Las autoridades sublevadas se afanaron desde los primeros compases de la guerra en "convencer" con diferentes mecanismos psicopolíticos e identitarios que asimilaron la cultura franquista con la cultura nacional (Box 2017(Box , 2007(Box , 2004Hernández Burgos 2016;Vincent 2009;Del Arco Blanco 2018). La fuerza de símbolos, ideas y conceptos no fue sólo retórica ni se movió apenas en el horizonte de las representaciones, sino que condensó proyectos y expectativas que confluyeron en una praxis política determinada.…”
Section: No Solo Miedounclassified
“…This provoked mass participation and the expression of a variety of needs and collective sentiments (such as fascist salutes, genuflections and blessings), showing the close relationship between the realms of religion and politics that justified the 'Crusade'. 105 All of this reflected an 'imagined community': that of an 'authentic Spain' which the rebels were able to become part of thanks to Christ's sacrifice. 106 Through the brotherhoods, the concept of the 'Crusade' once again penetrated the popular consciousness.…”
Section: Catholicism Behind the Lines Of The 'New Spain'mentioning
confidence: 99%