Exclusion or interests? Why females in elected office reduce petty and grand corruption

Abstract

Disappointed by the numerous failures of anticorruption reforms, international organisations, scholars and policy makers increasingly place their hopes on measures aimed at enhancing gender equality and in particular increasing the inclusion of female representatives in elected assemblies. Yet most studies to date focus on aggregate measures of corruption and fail to explain why the correlation between women's representation and levels of corruption occurs. Using newly collected regional‐level, non‐perception‐based measures of corruption, this study distinguishes between different forms of corruption and shows that the inclusion of women in local councils is strongly negatively associated with the prevalence of both petty and grand forms of corruption. However, the reduction in corruption is primarily experienced among women. This suggests that female representatives seek to further two separate political agendas once they attain public office: the improvement of public service delivery in sectors that tend to primarily benefit women; and the breakup of male‐dominated collusive networks.

Voting Women, Protesting Men: A Multilevel Analysis of Corruption, Gender, and Political Participation

“…Corruption disproportionately affects women rather than men because they are often dependent on public services such as health care and education because of traditional gender roles (Hossain, Musembi, and Hughes 2010; Sida 2015). Moreover, women are often excluded from networks where corrupt exchanges take place (Bauhr, Charron, and Wängnerud 2019;Goetz 2007).…”

Will Women Executives Reduce Corruption? Marginalization and Network Inclusion

“…Finally, our study takes time in office into greater consideration than do previous studies, and suggest that this also contributes towards developing our understanding of why women in office cause reductions in corruption levels Building on the rich body of literature seeking to explain why women representation may cause reductions in corruption levels (see i.e., Barnes, 2016 ; Barnes & Beaulieu, 2018 ; Bauhr et al, 2019 ; Bjarnegård, 2013 ; Dollar et al, 2001 ; Esarey & Chirillo, 2013 ; Esarey & Schwindt-Bayer, 2018 ; Escobar-Lemmon & Taylor-Robinson, 2009 ; Heath et al, 2005 ; O’Brien, 2015 ; Schwindt-Bayer, 2010 ; Stensöta & Wängnerud, 2018 ; Swamy et al, 2001 ), we propose that theories explaining why women reduce corruption differ in the extent to which they attribute this effect to women on average being socialized or incentivized into having a stronger demand for anticorruption reforms (what we call endogenous theories) or if they, instead are simply prevented from participating in corrupt transaction because of their marginalization and exclusion from elite networks (exogenous theories). Although directly studying why women in executive office reduce corruption is very difficult, the observable implications of these theories are likely to differ.…”

“…Theoretical explanations for this link differ in directionality. While plausible theoretical frameworks and evidence suggest that women cause reductions in corruption (see i.e., Barnes & Beaulieu, 2018 ; Bauhr et al, 2019 ; Esarey & Schwindt-Bayer, 2018 ; Stensöta et al, 2015 ). studies also propose that low corrupt systems may facilitate the recruitment of women into office ( Bjarnegård, 2013 ; Sundström & Wängnereud, 2016), or that underlying factors, such as the development of liberal democracy, may drive both more inclusive representation and lower level of corruption ( Sung, 2003 ).…”

Pengaturan Sanksi Kumulatif dalam Tindak Pidana Korupsi

“…Jika hakikat permasalahannya lebih pada masalah perekonomian atau perdagangan maka harus lebih diutamakan sanksi tindakan dan/atau denda. Ketiga, (Bauhr, Charron, & Wängnerud, 2019) mengatakan bahwa dimasukkannya perempuan dalam dewan lokal sangat negatif terkait dengan prevalensi korupsi kecil dan besar. Namun, pengurangan korupsi terutama dialami di kalangan perempuan.…”