Everyday Politics and Collective Mobilization Against Foreigners in a South African Shack Settlement

Abstract

In contrast to the tolerant and largely peaceful ‘living politics' of informal settlements, as embodied by the social movement Abahlali baseMjondolo, this article considers a darker side of squatter politics: ‘xenophobic’ mobilization. I show how the historical stratification of citizenship in South Africa remains spatially embedded in longstanding informal settlements, where distinctive repertoires of collective action have been shaped by a (still unfinished) history of struggle for inclusion. Using archival research and interviews conducted in the informal settlements of Atteridgeville, Gauteng, I show how the continuing struggle for equal citizenship draws on shared experiences of mundane hardship and collective labour, giving rise to social distance between established local squatters and politically indifferent foreign newcomers. At times of protest, this polarity is concentrated by and converges with familiar practices of insurgent citizenship, creating a context for mobilization against foreigners. In this sense, ‘xenophobic’ mobilization may be seen to articulate a claim for inclusion by structurally excluded ‘citizens', rather than an exclusionary claim by those who already belong. The article provides a useful counterpoint to readings of ‘xenophobic’ violence that focus on the role of elite discourses, instrumental leaders or crude racial identities in shaping such mobilization.

Xenophobic Violence and Struggle Discourse in South Africa

“…Asian shopkeepers (Crush and Ramachandran 2014a). Indeed, Monson (2015) argues that race or ethnicity is actually often not the most salient social distinction in the politics of the places where anti-immigrant attacks take place, which Xenophobia is a result of poverty and economic crisis Some authors explain xenophobia as a consequence of poverty, class formation, inequality and/or neoliberalism. For Amisi and colleagues, the roots of xenophobia are to be found in structural processes of 'uneven and combined development': a glutted labour market, housing shortages, township retail competition, highly gendered cultural differences, and apparently intractable regional geopolitical tensions.…”

“…Three cases are then also considered where xenophobic violence was actively discouraged using an inclusive rather than a divisive struggle discourse. The paper concludes by arguing that we should retain a space for a critique of xenophobia even while we get to grips with the ‘local logic’ (Monson, 2015) and ‘moral order’ (Palmary, 2016) of anti-foreigner attacks.…”

Disarming the xenophobic everyday: Muslim migrants and the horizons of urban mutuality in Durban

“…These determining factors are notably pronounced in the context of Durban where the salience of xenophobic sensibilities needs to be understood with reference to more localized struggles and constructions of political subjectivity (Monson 2015: 148). The province of KwaZulu-Natal, incorporating the former Zulu ‘homeland’ established under apartheid, constitutes a gravitational centre for Zulu ethnic politics in South Africa, often being presented as the territorial successor to an earlier ‘Zulu kingdom’ (Harries 1993: 119).…”

First‐Generation Refugees’ Rejection of Racial Self‐Identification in South Africa: Constructing Non‐Racial Identifications

“…The increased entry and settlement of asylum seekers and migrants has engendered citizen animosity and violence against (particularly African) foreigners (Gordon 2010; Matsinhe 2011). Some South African citizens who are unemployed or have lower social‐class status accuse African foreigners of competing for scarce jobs (Mamabolo 2015; Misago 2011; Monson 2015). Migrants and refugees from Africa find themselves in a host society where they are excluded from the national community (as are other non‐South Africans) both by formal legislation and by political actors (Neocosmos 2006; Nyamnjoh 2006).…”