Abstract:Developing robust explanations for patients' non-adherence to medical treatments is a pressing clinical concern. Social scientists have emphasised the importance of taking a 'patient-centred' approach to the study of illness management. Using data from a qualitative study of the management of children's food allergies, I found that school nurses created what I term collective adherence - the translation of individual medical recommendations into prescriptions to be followed by entire communities. School nurses… Show more
“…Not only is this person unwilling to comply with a temporary and minor inconvenience to avert harm to another, but they are also vocal about their willingness to undercut any sense of mutual responsibility. These sorts of comments reveal the level of vitriol and antipathy that analogizes peanut-allergy risk as a punitive constraint on personal choice, something we see in corresponding debates over the past two decades around the introduction of restrictions or bans of peanuts and peanut butter in schools (Maldonado 2009; Muñoz 2018; Plicka 1999; Rous and Hunt 2004). These comments align with what their writers likely see as a pervasive societal devaluation of individual autonomy and self-determination; this viewpoint can elevate minor inconveniences into flashpoints of debate (O’Connor 2020).…”
Section: When Risk Frames Collidementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Peanut allergy is a serious immunological condition that afflicts a small but growing percentage of people (1 to 2 percent in the United States, see Dyer et al 2015; Sicherer et al 2010). 2 Over the past two decades, it has been deemed a “new epidemic” and a “global health problem” by some medical experts (Fraser 2011; Smith 2015; Waggoner 2013), yet it remains poorly understood by the general public (Gupta et al 2009; Muñoz 2018; Page-Reeves 2015). Some food allergies can be outgrown, but this has rarely proved the case for peanuts (Sicherer and Malloy 2005), and immunological reactions to peanut proteins are often more severe than to other food allergens (Dyer et al 2015).…”
Section: Background and Casementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Afflicted individuals and their families often exist in a state of ever-present peril; if others do not believe the risk is real and critical, then the possibility of exposure is heightened. To be sure, skeptics reveal themselves in the comment sections of news articles, parenting blogs, and social media forums in response, for instance, to policy modifications made by schools and other institutions (Muñoz 2018; Rous and Hunt 2004). Some observers argue that social angst has outpaced peanut allergy’s empirical realities, noting fatalities are very few at the population level (Broussard 2009; Christakis 2008), but others suggest any easily preventable deaths are too many and thus there is dire need for new risk calculi, legally requisite accommodations, and augmented awareness of its dangers for the well-being of those afflicted (Beasley 2012; Rabin 2019; Severson 2008).…”
This article examines perceptions of health risk when some individuals within a shared space are in heightened danger but anyone, including unaffected others, can be a vector of risk. Using the case of peanut allergy and drawing on qualitative content analysis of the public comments submitted in response to an unsuccessful 2010 U.S. Department of Transportation proposal to prohibit peanuts on airplanes, we analyze contention over the boundaries of responsibility for mitigating exposure to risk. We find three key dimensions of proximity to risk (material, social, and situational) characterizing ardent claims both for and against policy enactment. These proximity concerns underlay commenters’ sensemaking about fear, trust, rights, moral obligations, and liberty in the act of sharing space with others, while allowing them to stake positions on what we call “responsible sociality”—an ethic of discernible empathy for proximate others and of consideration for public benefit in social and communal settings. We conclude by discussing the insights our case affords several other areas of scholarship attentive to the intractable yet timely question of “for whom do we care?”
“…Not only is this person unwilling to comply with a temporary and minor inconvenience to avert harm to another, but they are also vocal about their willingness to undercut any sense of mutual responsibility. These sorts of comments reveal the level of vitriol and antipathy that analogizes peanut-allergy risk as a punitive constraint on personal choice, something we see in corresponding debates over the past two decades around the introduction of restrictions or bans of peanuts and peanut butter in schools (Maldonado 2009; Muñoz 2018; Plicka 1999; Rous and Hunt 2004). These comments align with what their writers likely see as a pervasive societal devaluation of individual autonomy and self-determination; this viewpoint can elevate minor inconveniences into flashpoints of debate (O’Connor 2020).…”
Section: When Risk Frames Collidementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Peanut allergy is a serious immunological condition that afflicts a small but growing percentage of people (1 to 2 percent in the United States, see Dyer et al 2015; Sicherer et al 2010). 2 Over the past two decades, it has been deemed a “new epidemic” and a “global health problem” by some medical experts (Fraser 2011; Smith 2015; Waggoner 2013), yet it remains poorly understood by the general public (Gupta et al 2009; Muñoz 2018; Page-Reeves 2015). Some food allergies can be outgrown, but this has rarely proved the case for peanuts (Sicherer and Malloy 2005), and immunological reactions to peanut proteins are often more severe than to other food allergens (Dyer et al 2015).…”
Section: Background and Casementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Afflicted individuals and their families often exist in a state of ever-present peril; if others do not believe the risk is real and critical, then the possibility of exposure is heightened. To be sure, skeptics reveal themselves in the comment sections of news articles, parenting blogs, and social media forums in response, for instance, to policy modifications made by schools and other institutions (Muñoz 2018; Rous and Hunt 2004). Some observers argue that social angst has outpaced peanut allergy’s empirical realities, noting fatalities are very few at the population level (Broussard 2009; Christakis 2008), but others suggest any easily preventable deaths are too many and thus there is dire need for new risk calculi, legally requisite accommodations, and augmented awareness of its dangers for the well-being of those afflicted (Beasley 2012; Rabin 2019; Severson 2008).…”
This article examines perceptions of health risk when some individuals within a shared space are in heightened danger but anyone, including unaffected others, can be a vector of risk. Using the case of peanut allergy and drawing on qualitative content analysis of the public comments submitted in response to an unsuccessful 2010 U.S. Department of Transportation proposal to prohibit peanuts on airplanes, we analyze contention over the boundaries of responsibility for mitigating exposure to risk. We find three key dimensions of proximity to risk (material, social, and situational) characterizing ardent claims both for and against policy enactment. These proximity concerns underlay commenters’ sensemaking about fear, trust, rights, moral obligations, and liberty in the act of sharing space with others, while allowing them to stake positions on what we call “responsible sociality”—an ethic of discernible empathy for proximate others and of consideration for public benefit in social and communal settings. We conclude by discussing the insights our case affords several other areas of scholarship attentive to the intractable yet timely question of “for whom do we care?”
“…Working class Latino parents, however, were unable to exert pressure to change school policies and they were not included in decisions about the allergy management of their children at school. 69 More research needs to be done on how socioeconomics and class impact allergy experience, management and care in a variety of institutions (e.g. schools, universities, companies and hospitals).…”
Section: Low Income Biomedical Bias and Stigmamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…[30][31][32][33][34][35] There have also been some explorations of epidemiology, the hygiene hypothesis and the rise in allergy attributed to changes in food production, [36][37][38][39][40][41] as well as the potential protective role of food taboos on human health. 42 Since the early 2000s, research in socio-cultural anthropology and sociology on food allergy has primarily explored experiences of risk and stigma, 13,[43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59][60][61][62] aspects of morality related to management, illness and parenting behaviour, 51,59,60,[63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71] explorations of gender, 38,65,…”
This review explores the anthropological and sociological literature on food allergy and identifies four primary areas of research to date. The first explores the relationality and management of risk, uncertainty and stigma among parents and sufferers of food allergies. The second analyses the influence of intersectionality, specifically the effects of class, gender, race/ethnicity and disability on experiences of food allergy. The third discusses diagnostic difficulties and the impact these have on legitimacy and believability, both in the context of clinician–patient relations and in managing food allergies in public spaces. The fourth explores the ethics and uncertainties in food allergy treatments and how scientific knowledge of emerging treatments is constructed. This body of research illustrates that although an individual disease, food allergy experiences are significantly affected by socio‐cultural structures, institutions, ideologies and discourses. The review concludes with four primary recommendations. First, there should be more incorporation of anthropological or sociological methodologies and perspectives into studies of food allergy. Second, studies are needed from more countries exploring lived experience of food allergy. Third, research on food allergy needs to incorporate an analysis of intersectional factors such as gender, class and race/ethnicity, and should explore the experiences of minority populations. Fourth, more research is needed on the interactions between biomedicine and local systems of knowledge, as well as the factors that shape what treatments become available, for whom it becomes available, experiences of treatment and aspects (including biases) that influence patient–clinician interactions.
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