“…An additional 24 rings are arranged in a rough circular pattern (see fig. 7), which was characteristic of Blackfoot ceremonial encampments (Banks and Snortland 1995;Kehoe 1960). Two lodges at this site are dated ca.…”
Studies of hunter-gatherer sociopolitical organization consistently exclude terrestrial big-game hunters-pedestrian bison hunters, in particular-from discussions of emerging complexity. To an important extent, this exclusion stems both from the ethology of bison and its consequences for mobile hunters and from the character of their archaeological record, which lacks conventional indicators of organizational complexity such as high-status burials and long-term storage facilities. However, this record exhibits stone architecture of monumental proportions. We argue that evidence of emerging sociopolitical complexity is embodied in the hunters' ability to (1) invest extensively on landscape engineering to amass communal bison wealth for consumption, storage, and exchange, and (2) produce and reproduce ritual wealth among individuals and restricted sectors of the group. Through a multiscalar research design that integrates thousands of surface stone features with data recovered from kill site excavation, ethnohistorical records, and Blackfoot traditions, we demonstrate that Late Prehistoric bison hunters of the northwestern Plains endeavored to create conditions for permanence in their hunting territory by strategically emplacing and maintaining hunting facilities. These, in turn, would be used by ensuing generations of culturally related groups for whom the communal hunt was a formal and ritually managed act. The Pikunis were rich; meat was their staff of life, and they had plenty of it. (James Willard Schultz, Blackfeet and Buffalo [1962:30]) Pedestrian bison hunters of the North American Plains have been conventionally categorized as highly mobile, egalitarian bands whose lives and annual schedules were tethered to the behavior and environment of their resource (e.g., Binford 2001:226; Oliver 1962; Wheat 1972). On the surface, it may seem a fitting portrayal of ancient terrestrial big-game hunters but does not explain the full range of variability in their trajectories and organization. Narrowly focused on behavior and technology, this categorization excludes the existence of
“…An additional 24 rings are arranged in a rough circular pattern (see fig. 7), which was characteristic of Blackfoot ceremonial encampments (Banks and Snortland 1995;Kehoe 1960). Two lodges at this site are dated ca.…”
Studies of hunter-gatherer sociopolitical organization consistently exclude terrestrial big-game hunters-pedestrian bison hunters, in particular-from discussions of emerging complexity. To an important extent, this exclusion stems both from the ethology of bison and its consequences for mobile hunters and from the character of their archaeological record, which lacks conventional indicators of organizational complexity such as high-status burials and long-term storage facilities. However, this record exhibits stone architecture of monumental proportions. We argue that evidence of emerging sociopolitical complexity is embodied in the hunters' ability to (1) invest extensively on landscape engineering to amass communal bison wealth for consumption, storage, and exchange, and (2) produce and reproduce ritual wealth among individuals and restricted sectors of the group. Through a multiscalar research design that integrates thousands of surface stone features with data recovered from kill site excavation, ethnohistorical records, and Blackfoot traditions, we demonstrate that Late Prehistoric bison hunters of the northwestern Plains endeavored to create conditions for permanence in their hunting territory by strategically emplacing and maintaining hunting facilities. These, in turn, would be used by ensuing generations of culturally related groups for whom the communal hunt was a formal and ritually managed act. The Pikunis were rich; meat was their staff of life, and they had plenty of it. (James Willard Schultz, Blackfeet and Buffalo [1962:30]) Pedestrian bison hunters of the North American Plains have been conventionally categorized as highly mobile, egalitarian bands whose lives and annual schedules were tethered to the behavior and environment of their resource (e.g., Binford 2001:226; Oliver 1962; Wheat 1972). On the surface, it may seem a fitting portrayal of ancient terrestrial big-game hunters but does not explain the full range of variability in their trajectories and organization. Narrowly focused on behavior and technology, this categorization excludes the existence of
“…The consensus among researchers who have studied the largest variety of play tipi is that although they are significantly smaller than domestic tipis, they are anchored identically (Banks & Snortland, 1995;Grabill 1890;Hail, 1980;T. F. Kehoe, 1958T.…”
“…As canvas rots when touching the ground, they often staked down the tipis with wooden pegs rather than traditional rock weights. These late period campsites are therefore particularly difficult to identify from surface evidence (Banks & Snortland 1995). Figure 6.Red Canyon tipi ring campsite: stone circle 1 excavations, 2012 (photograph by L. Scheiber).…”
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