Evangelical Politics and Status Issues

WALDt, Kenneth D.; OWENt, Dennis E.; Hill, Samuel S.

doi:10.2307/1387248

Cited by 41 publications

(25 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Most often, these studies seek to either explore or control for the seemingly unique role of the South in American politics. There is evidence that region matters: Being from the South is correlated with support for the Christian right (Wald et al 1989) and with conservative theological views (Davis & Robinson 1996a). In an article on conservative Protestantism, Woodberry & Smith (1998) found that (we assume white, although race is not specified) evangelical and fundamentalist Christians living in the South held more socially conservative views than their counterparts in the North.…”

Section: The Complexity Of Religion and Placementioning

confidence: 99%

How Complex Religion Can Improve Our Understanding of American Politics

Wilde

Glassman

2016

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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Sociologists have long acknowledged the importance of religion for American politics, especially for two groups of people: (a) (white) conservative Protestants, who are increasingly affiliated with the religious right, and (b) progressives, who are more and more disaffiliated from organized religion. However, a comprehensive statement of the ways in which religion matters for politics, the context in which it matters and does not matter, and how this has changed over time is lacking. Recent reviews acknowledge that at best, the relationship between religion and politics in the United States is "not straightforward" (Grzymala-Busse 2012, p. 427). We contend that this is primarily a result of the fact that neither the sociology of religion nor political sociology adequately considers the role that inequality (especially race and class but also gender) play in religious affiliation (and nonaffiliation). As a result, both fields have neglected to systematically examine the ways in which class and race may shape the relationship between religion and politics in the United States. We thus argue that both fields would benefit from engagement with theories of complex inequality that take seriously the ways in which inequalities of race, class, and gender interact (McCall 2001). In doing so, scholars also need to recognize that these structures of inequality are deeply intertwined with religious group membership-a theoretical argument that we call complex religion. 15.1

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Section: The Complexity Of Religion and Placementioning

confidence: 99%

How Complex Religion Can Improve Our Understanding of American Politics

Wilde

Glassman

2016

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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“…Antiracist educators are attempting to create a more just world through appropriate standards of behavior and a commitment to activism. They have a more or less coherent program for social change, involving the transformation of how the public understands race relations (Applebaum 1997;Bonnett 1996;Eichstedt 2001;McMahon 2003;Scott 2000;Srivastava 2005;Srivastava and Francis 2006;Wald et al 1989;Warren and Hytten 2004;Zajicek 2002). In order to do so, antiracist educators have 1) constructed an ontological foundation on which the problem racism is grounded, aided by an epistemic culture that is expressed as an estrangement from dominant values; 2) spread a moral panic in which the threat posed by whites to minorities has been amplified; 3) offered a diagnosis of the problem and its causes; and 4) advocated for particular actions that they assert would alleviate the problem.…”

Section: A Broader Viewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Antiracist education's rapid growth may be attributed, at least in part, to the fact that its proponents are located within settings that have so-called "mobilizing structures," including academic departments, schools, professional societies, and peer networks that develop common understandings, create a collectivist orientation, coordinate activities, and lend urgency to the matter (Frickel and Gross 2005;Snyder 2004;cf. Clarke 1987;Wald et al 1989).…”

Section: A Broader Viewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Antiracist Education in Theory and Practice: A Critical Assessment

Niemonen

2007

Am Soc

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“…First, the social status of doctrinally conservative religious groups is both ambiguous and controversial (see especially Wald et al 1989). As such, fundamentalist identification provides an interesting intermediate case between the &dquo;subordinate&dquo; and &dquo;dominant&dquo; groups examined by Miller et al Second, attempts to make a fundamentalist group identification the basis of political mobilization have included descriptions of disliked out-groups.…”

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confidence: 99%

Politicized Group Identification: the Case of Fundamentalism

Jelen¹

1991

Western Political Quarterly

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or many citizens, group identifications provide cognitive struc-M~ tures through which the political world can be viewed. Grouprelated attitudes seem to be important means by which political beliefs can be organized and evaluated. The decade of the eighties has seen a renewed research emphasis on the political importance of group identifications. (See especially Conover 1985;Leege et al. 1989;Klein 1984; Guth et al., 1988;and Price 1989). Conover and Feldman (1981) have argued that group attitudes are the principal means by which perceptions of societal conflict are structured. Conover (1984) has further characterized group identification as a form of &dquo;schema,&dquo; which provides an intermediate link between an individual citizen's selfperception and the larger political community.The number and variety of group identifications which this more recent research has uncovered raises an important question: Since many diflerent group identifications are avaiable to any given person, how and why do only a few become politically relevant? In a relatively early work, Miller and associates argue that a poiitically relevant group consciousness has four distinct parts: (a) &dquo;Group identification&dquo; (a feeling of belonging); (b) &dquo;polar affect,&dquo; or a positive feeling toward members of one's own group, and negative feelings toward members of visible &dquo;out-groups&dquo;; (c) &dquo;polar power,&dquo; referring to beliefs about the power of one's own group, relative to others; and (d) &dquo;individual versus system blame,&dquo; or beliefs about the extent to which one's social status is attributable to one's own efforts, as opposed to more macro-level inequities. Miller et al. show that these attitudes do a better job of explaining variation in political participation in interaction (in various combinations) than they do individually or in additive combinations. Multiplicative interactions between combinations of these four attitudes account for more variation in political activity than do linear combinations of the same variables. NOTE: Thanks are due the editor and to three anonymous reviewers, whose comments on an earlier draft of this paper were of great benefit.

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Evangelical Politics and Status Issues

Cited by 41 publications

References 22 publications

How Complex Religion Can Improve Our Understanding of American Politics

How Complex Religion Can Improve Our Understanding of American Politics

Antiracist Education in Theory and Practice: A Critical Assessment

Politicized Group Identification: the Case of Fundamentalism

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