Evaluating Human Rights Advocacy on Criminal Justice and Sex Work

Abstract

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. AbstractBetween October 2011 and September 2013, we conducted research on the use, by police and/or prosecutors, of condom possession as evidence of intent to engage in prostitution-related offenses. We studied the practice in five large, geographically diverse cities in the US. To facilitate our advocacy on this issue, conducted concurrent to and following our research, we developed an advocacy framework consisting of six dimensions: 1) raising awareness, 2) building and engaging coalitions, 3) framing debate, 4) securing rhetorical commitments, 5) reforming law and policy, and 6) changing practice. Using a case study approach, we describe how this framework also provided a basis for the evaluation of our work, and discuss additional considerations and values related to the measurement and evaluation of human rights advocacy.

Development and reliability of metrics to characterize types and sources of stigma among men who have sex with men and female sex workers in Togo and Burkina Faso

“…MSM who are more masculine or hide their sexual orientation or practices may even reject those who are more open about their sexual orientation or practices or considered more feminine. Given the unique needs of transgender and cisgender populations, valid and reliable stigma measures are needed specifically for transgender women [110, 111].…”

Politics, Police Accountability, and Public Health: Civilian Review in Newark, New Jersey

“…For example, the New York Police Department's May 2014 announcement to end police confiscation of condoms for use as evidence in prostitution cases was a change driven by human rights advocates to end a practice that disproportionately targeted transgender women and groups frequently suspected of sex work. 17 Additionally, pressure from the DOJ, the ACLU and Human Rights Watch led to the recent desegregation of HIV positive prisoners in South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi, ending a discriminatory practice that lacked scientific basis. 67 Thus, strategies employed to disrupt the status quo political determinants of health-including grassroots activism and petitioning for DOJ intervention-may have direct and indirect public health impacts.…”

“…11,14 Neighborhood patterns of police surveillance may serve as a barrier to accessing care for other marginalized populations such as substance users and sex workers, as these criminalized populations may avoid seeking clean needles or care for fear of punishment. 9,13,[15][16][17][18][19][20][21] The greater likelihood of experiencing police violence exists alongside widely reported poor health outcomes among African Americans, such as higher rates of cardiovascular illness and earlier onset of disease than their white counterparts. 22 In response to popular pressure to address police misconduct, federal, state, and city governments are proposing various policy reforms-such as body and vehicle cameras, independent prosecutors, and civilian review boards.…”

Ending discrimination in healthcare

“…The review examined research published between 2003 and 2015, but evidence of the positive impact of similar interventions both prior to and after these dates have also been published; for example, focusing on the training of health workers to reduce stigma and programmes promoting legal literacy and advocacy . Advocacy targeting discriminatory laws, policies and practices have also been shown to be effective to removing barriers to HIV services , while evidence of the effectiveness of sensitizing law enforcement is increasing .…”