Abstract:Europeanization is deservedly one of the most popular yet most volatile buzzwords for Turkish politics and EU–Turkey relations. This chapter takes stock of the Europeanization literature and examines the EU–Turkey relationship by referring to particular mechanisms and variants of Europeanization. The main argument is that Europeanization is a versatile and complex process covering vast areas of policy, politics, and polity, intertwined with larger domestic, regional, and global processes, which is not limited … Show more
“…The coding process also benefitted from a periodisation as it reveals the way EU-Turkey relations have been studied in different periods, featuring distinct milestones, and maps the shifts and continuities in EU-Turkey studies. Accordingly, we systematically reviewed the sampling in three periods: 1996-2004 (positive turn in bilateral relations from the initiation of the EU-Turkey Customs Union to the EU decision to open the accession negotiations with Turkey); 2005-2012 (from the opening of accession negotiations to the gradual slow-down of Turkish accession process amid 'selective' Europeanization (Alpan 2021) in Turkey); 2013-2020 (formulation of EU-Turkey relations increasingly outside the accession context and growing trend toward conflictual relations between the EU and Turkey). (See similar periodisations in Reiners and Turhan 2021a.…”
As relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey have progressed, so has the body of literature on the relationship – to the extent that we can now identify ‘EU–Turkey studies’ as a boutique sub-discipline of EU studies. This article provides a systematic mapping of the evolution of EU–Turkey studies from 1996 to 2020 in order to explore the degree of epistemic diversity featured in the discipline as an indicator of epistemic (in)justice. Utilising the research synthesis technique, we analyse a novel dataset involving 300 articles published in 26 SSCI journals to scrutinise the extent of epistemic diversity in the discipline. Our mapping reveals two central features of EU–Turkey studies. First, the transformation of the discipline has largely been contingent on critical milestones in EU–Turkey relations. Lately, increasing conflictual dynamics in bilateral relations resulted in diminishing scholarly commitment to studying EU–Turkey relations. Second, epistemic diversity has remained fairly limited given the lack of geographic diversity in authorship, the accumulation of the publications in specific journals, and the segregated co-authorship clusters that limit the amalgamation of different ideas and values. At the same time, knowledge production in EU–Turkey studies has been mainly Eurocentric, due to the almost exclusive use of grand and up-and-coming theories/concepts of European integration, while the proliferation of issue areas since the launch of the discipline has not culminated in a strong focus on non-traditional, avant-garde research topics as such. To ensure epistemic justice in the discipline, EU–Turkey studies should place stronger emphasis on unconventional issue areas and on the explanatory power of mainstream and unorthodox (IR) theories that have the potential to explore the relationship within the context of the multilateral system in which EU–Turkey relations increasingly operate.
“…The coding process also benefitted from a periodisation as it reveals the way EU-Turkey relations have been studied in different periods, featuring distinct milestones, and maps the shifts and continuities in EU-Turkey studies. Accordingly, we systematically reviewed the sampling in three periods: 1996-2004 (positive turn in bilateral relations from the initiation of the EU-Turkey Customs Union to the EU decision to open the accession negotiations with Turkey); 2005-2012 (from the opening of accession negotiations to the gradual slow-down of Turkish accession process amid 'selective' Europeanization (Alpan 2021) in Turkey); 2013-2020 (formulation of EU-Turkey relations increasingly outside the accession context and growing trend toward conflictual relations between the EU and Turkey). (See similar periodisations in Reiners and Turhan 2021a.…”
As relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey have progressed, so has the body of literature on the relationship – to the extent that we can now identify ‘EU–Turkey studies’ as a boutique sub-discipline of EU studies. This article provides a systematic mapping of the evolution of EU–Turkey studies from 1996 to 2020 in order to explore the degree of epistemic diversity featured in the discipline as an indicator of epistemic (in)justice. Utilising the research synthesis technique, we analyse a novel dataset involving 300 articles published in 26 SSCI journals to scrutinise the extent of epistemic diversity in the discipline. Our mapping reveals two central features of EU–Turkey studies. First, the transformation of the discipline has largely been contingent on critical milestones in EU–Turkey relations. Lately, increasing conflictual dynamics in bilateral relations resulted in diminishing scholarly commitment to studying EU–Turkey relations. Second, epistemic diversity has remained fairly limited given the lack of geographic diversity in authorship, the accumulation of the publications in specific journals, and the segregated co-authorship clusters that limit the amalgamation of different ideas and values. At the same time, knowledge production in EU–Turkey studies has been mainly Eurocentric, due to the almost exclusive use of grand and up-and-coming theories/concepts of European integration, while the proliferation of issue areas since the launch of the discipline has not culminated in a strong focus on non-traditional, avant-garde research topics as such. To ensure epistemic justice in the discipline, EU–Turkey studies should place stronger emphasis on unconventional issue areas and on the explanatory power of mainstream and unorthodox (IR) theories that have the potential to explore the relationship within the context of the multilateral system in which EU–Turkey relations increasingly operate.
“…These periods are defined as follows: Europeanisation as democratization (1999)(2000)(2001)(2002); proto-Europeanisation (2002-08) (see Griffiths and Özdemir 2004) and de-Europeanisation (2008 onwards). Starting from Turkey's first application for associate membership to the European Economic Community in 1959, Alpan (2021) proposes four time periods: Europeanization as Rapprochement ; Europeanization as Democratic Conditionality (1999Conditionality ( -2005; Europeanization as Retrenchment (2006Retrenchment ( -2011 and finally Europeanization as Denial (2011Denial ( -2020. Although our special emphasis is on the last (de-Europeanization) (Aydın-Düzgit and Kaliber 2016), or what Alpan (2021) considers Europeanization as Retrenchment and Denial, we admit that such periodization neither seeks to simplify the complex process of historical evolutions, nor aims to create artificial periods against continuity and change.…”
Section: Bölükbaşımentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Starting from Turkey's first application for associate membership to the European Economic Community in 1959, Alpan (2021) proposes four time periods: Europeanization as Rapprochement ; Europeanization as Democratic Conditionality (1999Conditionality ( -2005; Europeanization as Retrenchment (2006Retrenchment ( -2011 and finally Europeanization as Denial (2011Denial ( -2020. Although our special emphasis is on the last (de-Europeanization) (Aydın-Düzgit and Kaliber 2016), or what Alpan (2021) considers Europeanization as Retrenchment and Denial, we admit that such periodization neither seeks to simplify the complex process of historical evolutions, nor aims to create artificial periods against continuity and change. The intention is simply to present how continuity and change in terms of the nature of bilateral relations have developed after the Helsinki Summit of 1999 and therefore to review the EU Law curriculum in Turkish higher education institutions in order to draw conclusions on the state of this curriculum as compared to the general EU courses.…”
Section: Bölükbaşımentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For instance, the Turkish Grand National Assembly approved 34 constitutional amendments in this period, most in the areas of human rights, laws regarding Penal Code, and the anti-terror law. Consequently, the period of 1999-2002 was largely one of 'Europeanization as Democratization', or in the words of Diez et al (2005), of 'the political Europeanization', and/or Europeanization as Democratic Conditionality (Alpan 2021).…”
This study extensively reviews the EU Law curriculum in Turkish higher education institutions and further draws conclusions on the state of this curriculum as compared to the general EU courses. Based on the findings and the conclusions, the authors then discuss the factors for the inertia to place greater emphasis upon teaching the EU Law with reference to how Europeanization has been understood and interpreted in Turkey. The findings suggest that the reforms have not been appropriately backed by the curriculum and that Turkey has acted in conformity with its own peripheral agenda rather than committing itself strongly to internalize the EU legislation and incorporate it in its entirety into its legal domain.
“…At the time of writing, there is a paucity of comprehensive understanding of the links between Europeanisation and housing studies. Europeanisation, a term used here to explain and organize existing theories, concerns the various aspects of the incremental process of influencing or being influenced by different levels of government within the EU (or beyond) (Radaelli 2000(Radaelli , 2004Radaelli and Exadaktylos 2008;Alpan 2021).…”
Housing has been, and continues to be, a central concern of economic, geographical and political research, as well as of social debates. It is worth noting that the European Union (EU) does not possess exclusive or shared competence in the field of housing. Rather, its influence is the result of policies in other areas. Building on the call in the literature to examine both Europeanisation and housing studies, we present and discuss the areas of the EU’s influence—economic, environmental, legal, political, social, and urban. The literature shows that these influences have resulted from different shifts in the European agenda, with different approaches (top-down, bottom-up) and mechanisms (legislative, economic and fiscal, cognitive), creating conflicting housing narratives. In conclusion, future research should focus on understanding the influences of member states as well as the intersection between housing and other policy areas. Additionally, the distribution and transfer of power in decision-making within the EU should be examined, as well as the strategic interactions between (housing) political actors from different member states and EU institutions, and the consequences of such interactions.
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