Abstract:The global context within which European integration takes place is changing. The rise of China continues and the leadership of the USA has come under strain, while the global economy remains trapped in a phase of stagnation. We argue that, to capture these dynamics, EU studies would benefit from tracing the interactions between global order and contemporary dynamics within the EU. European integration has been decisively shaped by two phases of US-led global order in the past. However, we argue that a new glo… Show more
“…Third, our results speak to broader developments in Europe and beyond that signify a 'geopoliticization' of trade and investment policies (Meunier & Nicolaidis, 2019). Recent research has outlined the global disorder which both feeds this geopoliticization, but also presents the new conditions under which European integration is taking place (Lavery & Schmid, 2021). If neoliberal globalization was the condition under which European countries adopted the liberalization of trade and investment policies, the rise of a more statist form of globalization can have the inverse effect of closing Europe to different forms of state-led investment.…”
Section: Conclusion: a Research Agenda For Cslimentioning
confidence: 65%
“…By studying two dissimilar cases, we add leverage to the argument that country-specific factors explain the degree, but not the general direction of the Chinaeffect. Third, we contribute to current discussions on the role of Europe in a changing global order, and how the rise of China affects these changes to a significant degree (see Lavery & Schmid, 2021). Our findings help to better estimate how European economic policy-making vis-à-vis China will develop in the coming years.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 71%
“…At the same time, we need to be careful to distinguish between such 'third order' changes of a paradigmatic nature from policy-shifts as discussed in this paper, which are rather 'second order' changes of policy instruments and settings (Hall, 1993, 279). The view of China as a systemic competitor is a more fundamental and abstract paradigm change in European politics which is still underway (Lavery & Schmid, 2021). To frame such large-scale paradigm changes as driving concrete policy-changes would be imprecise.…”
Section: Timing and Omitted Variable Biasmentioning
Chinese outwards investment is increasing in its relevance for the global economy; and its effects on host states are increasingly being scrutinized within International Political Economy discussions. While policy-making was ambiguous about the question of hosting Chinese state-led investment in the early 2010s, we can observe a recent surge of protectionist legal measures across Europe. What explains this trend among different European countries? Through the lens of incremental ideational change, we hypothesize that the rise of China as a global investor shifts the perceptions of policy-makers away from being a source of investment towards questions of national security. We argue that this postulated China-effect affects advanced European economies similarly. We provide evidence by studying the shift inperceptions among policy-makers in a coordinated and a liberal market economy, Germany and the UK. By drawing on document analysis and expert interviews, we unpack the policy processes in both countries in the last decade. Despite being two dissimilar cases, both show a similar outcome in increasingly rejecting Chinese state-led investment on the grounds of national security reasons. Our results add important insights to recent discussions on the ‘geopoliticization’ of European trade and investment rules in the face of a rising China.
“…Third, our results speak to broader developments in Europe and beyond that signify a 'geopoliticization' of trade and investment policies (Meunier & Nicolaidis, 2019). Recent research has outlined the global disorder which both feeds this geopoliticization, but also presents the new conditions under which European integration is taking place (Lavery & Schmid, 2021). If neoliberal globalization was the condition under which European countries adopted the liberalization of trade and investment policies, the rise of a more statist form of globalization can have the inverse effect of closing Europe to different forms of state-led investment.…”
Section: Conclusion: a Research Agenda For Cslimentioning
confidence: 65%
“…By studying two dissimilar cases, we add leverage to the argument that country-specific factors explain the degree, but not the general direction of the Chinaeffect. Third, we contribute to current discussions on the role of Europe in a changing global order, and how the rise of China affects these changes to a significant degree (see Lavery & Schmid, 2021). Our findings help to better estimate how European economic policy-making vis-à-vis China will develop in the coming years.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 71%
“…At the same time, we need to be careful to distinguish between such 'third order' changes of a paradigmatic nature from policy-shifts as discussed in this paper, which are rather 'second order' changes of policy instruments and settings (Hall, 1993, 279). The view of China as a systemic competitor is a more fundamental and abstract paradigm change in European politics which is still underway (Lavery & Schmid, 2021). To frame such large-scale paradigm changes as driving concrete policy-changes would be imprecise.…”
Section: Timing and Omitted Variable Biasmentioning
Chinese outwards investment is increasing in its relevance for the global economy; and its effects on host states are increasingly being scrutinized within International Political Economy discussions. While policy-making was ambiguous about the question of hosting Chinese state-led investment in the early 2010s, we can observe a recent surge of protectionist legal measures across Europe. What explains this trend among different European countries? Through the lens of incremental ideational change, we hypothesize that the rise of China as a global investor shifts the perceptions of policy-makers away from being a source of investment towards questions of national security. We argue that this postulated China-effect affects advanced European economies similarly. We provide evidence by studying the shift inperceptions among policy-makers in a coordinated and a liberal market economy, Germany and the UK. By drawing on document analysis and expert interviews, we unpack the policy processes in both countries in the last decade. Despite being two dissimilar cases, both show a similar outcome in increasingly rejecting Chinese state-led investment on the grounds of national security reasons. Our results add important insights to recent discussions on the ‘geopoliticization’ of European trade and investment rules in the face of a rising China.
“…At the same time, the results can also help our understanding of the unfolding backlash against unfettered globalization in present-day politics (Campbell-Verduyn et al, 2021;Lavery & Schmid, 2021;Meunier & Nicolaidis, 2019;Schmitz & Seidl, 2022;Trubowitz & Burgoon, 2020;Weinhardt & ten Brink, 2020). Many studies have attributed the rise of anti-globalist forces to the growing threats to local cultures brought about by technological advances and immigration, or economic grievances suffered in the aftermath of the North Atlantic financial crisis.…”
In the 1990s, the primary focus of the international investment regime shifted from the restriction and regulation towards the promotion and attraction of foreign companies. Dominant accounts in the international political economy literature emphasize the role of interests and institutions in explaining this policy shift but pay little attention to their legitimation. This article argues that transformations in dominant economic discourses—and in particular the rise of the competitiveness narrative—played an important role in granting legitimacy to this U-turn in international economic affairs. To test the argument, the article focuses on the impact of the differential changes in the portrayal of greenfield and mergers and acquisitions (M&A) inward foreign direct investments (IFDI) in economic discourses in the UK before and after the rise of the competitiveness narrative. In line with the theoretical argument, findings indicate that individuals who passed their early adulthood in a period in which the narrative of economic statism was still prevalent hold notably more skeptical views of M&A IFDI even though they are otherwise not more opposed to investments from abroad. A causal mediation analysis lends further empirical support to the argument.
“…The European Union's share in the world's population and GDP is steadily decreasing, the main center of global development is moving to Asia as the role of the United States weakens. The decentralization of globalization, the political and financial instability, and the fluidity of the ideological framework require the European Union to rethink its integration strategy (Kaveshnikov, 2021, p. 346;Lavery, Schmid, 2021, p. 1322. In recent years, the European Union has taken a decisive step away from the economic agenda.…”
Section: The Concept Of Benefits In Integration Practicementioning
For decades, the topic of regional integration has been considered in research through its economic benefits. The classic theories of customs unions and optimum currency area, together with, to a lesser extent, the new regionalism approach are based on analyses of potential costs and benefits of regional associations. Regional integration is traditionally understood as a way to encourage trade flow between member states, to facilitate more efficient allocation of resources by stimulating competition by increasing the capacity of the internal market. That is expected to result in faster economic growth and, consequently, increased per capita income. The 70-year history of the European Union provides sufficient research material to analyze whether economic benefits truly are the main driving force of regional integration. With this goal in mind, the presented article first sums up the key reasons for the post-war unification of Western Europe, then explores the position of the cost-benefit analysis in the theory of regional integration, and finally analyzes the degree of influence of welfare effects on strategic decisions of the European Union. The analysis shows that economic gain is not an immanent property of regional integration: it does not occur at all stages of the process and is neither its primary goal nor its driving force. Instead, regional integration aims to respond to the changing global order, i.e., help member states strengthen their international position and protect themselves from undesirable external influence. While economic benefits are also important, they are not necessarily the decisive factor.
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