EU Financial Assistance Conditionality after 'Two Pack'

Ioannidis, Michael

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2398914

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 7 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In an effort to manage the inordinate size of Greece’s sovereign debt and overcome the country’s consequent inability to access bond markets, previous governments had already received two bailout packages from the Troika, the first in 2010 and the second in 2012. Each of those packages had come, on the one hand, with a broad range of strict conditions such as austerity measures, the further deregulation of the labour market, the sale of valuable public assets, and in-depth public administration reforms; and, on the other hand, with heavy involvement on the part of creditors in domestic policy-making more generally and their close oversight of the implementation of the measures at issue (Ioannidis, 2014). Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that the Troika’s intervention was harsher in Greece – whether in terms of the content of the specific measures demanded, control over broader policy design dealing with social and economic matters, or supervision of pertinent implementation procedures – than in other countries of the European periphery (Clifton et al, 2018).…”

Section: Greece’s Economic Crisis and The Ascent Of Syriza-led Governmentioning

confidence: 99%

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

Cheliotis

Xenakis

2020

European Journal of Criminology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

An important body of scholarly work has been produced over recent decades to explain variation in levels and patterns of state punishment across and within different countries around the world. Two variables that have curiously evaded systematic attention in this regard are, first, the orientation of incumbent governments along the political spectrum, and second, the experience and fiscal implications of national economic downturn. Although recent years have seen both variables receive somewhat greater consideration, there is still precious little research into the effects on state punishment that they have in interaction with one another. With a view to helping fill this gap in the literature, this article identifies the direction and assesses the extent of influence exerted by government political orientation, on the one hand, and by economic downturn alongside its fiscal repercussions, on the other hand, upon the evolution of incarceration in the context of contemporary Greece. In so doing, we offer a uniquely detailed account of carceral trends before and during the period that a coalition government led by the left-wing Syriza party was in power. With regard to carceral trends as such, the scope of our analysis extends beyond conventional imprisonment also to include immigration detention. As well as arguing that economic downturn can place crucial limits on a government’s ability to execute progressive plans in carceral matters, we additionally conclude that a government’s scope of action in this vein may be further restricted depending on the autonomy it can wield in defiance of foreign forces intervening in both economic and political realms.

show abstract

Section: Greece’s Economic Crisis and The Ascent Of Syriza-led Governmentioning

confidence: 99%

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

Cheliotis

Xenakis

2020

European Journal of Criminology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…For ETOs to be affirmed based on the jurisdictional models summarised above, attribution of conduct to a state is a necessary (though not a sufficient) condition: it is a conduct of the state or, in the case of the IACtHR 'cause-and-effect' model, a (at least partly) territorial conduct over which that state has effective control, that de facto creates the conditions for affirming the extraterritorial exercise by that state of its IHRL jurisdiction, further based on the additional elements of de jure/physical control or ability to influence the enjoyment of human rights abroad. Especially in the context of multilateral debt, the direct attribution of conduct having negative human rights effects -e.g., the adoption of austerity measures, which tends to involve: a) multiple actors (including international organisations, private actors and the, at least formally, consenting territorial state); b) complex decision-making processes; and c) instruments, such as Memoranda of Understanding, characterised by a certain 'opacity' in terms of the role, relative bargaining power and legitimacy of the actors involved (Ioannidis 2014;Costamagna 2012) -to specific (creditor) states for the purposes of any of the jurisdictional models summarised above, may prove arduous (for a significant attempt, however, see De . The relevant acts/omissions may be more easily formally attributable to the territorial state or to an international organisation (the involvement of the territorial state may be also -although not necessarily successfully -raised by creditor states and international organisations as a legal defence against their international responsibility).…”

Section: Issue 1 States As Main Etos-bearersmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Routledge Handbook on Extraterritorial Human Rights Obligations

Mark¹,

Erdem²,

Krajewski³

et al. 2021

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The Routledge Handbook on Extraterritorial Human Rights Obligations brings international scholarship on transnational human rights obligations into a comprehensive and wide-ranging volume.Each chapter combines a thorough analysis of a particular issue area and provides a forwardlooking perspective of how extraterritorial human rights obligations (ETOs) might come to be more fully recognized, outlining shortcomings but also best state practices. It builds insights gained from state practice to identify gaps in the literature and points to future avenues of inquiry. The Handbook is organized into seven thematic parts: conceptualization and theoretical foundations; enforcement; migration and refugee protection; financial assistance and sanctions; finance, investment and trade; peace and security; and environment. Chapters summarize the cutting edge of current knowledge on key topics as leading experts critically reflect on ETOs, and, where appropriate, engage with the Maastricht Principles to critically evaluate their value 10 years after their adoption.The Routledge Handbook on Extraterritorial Human Rights Obligations is an authoritative and essential reference text for scholars and students of human rights and human rights law, and more broadly, of international law and international relations as well as to those working in international economic law, development studies, peace and conflict studies, environmental law and migration.

show abstract

“…The MoU on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality is signed by the Commission on behalf of the EU lenders, and approved by the Eurogroup, the informal meetings of the finance ministers of the Eurozone. Conditionality is mainly defined at staff-level negotiations, and only a small number of domestic actors are involved, mainly Ministers and some key advisors (Ioannidis, 2014). In the case of non-euro area memorandum countries, the Commission has an even more central role, as it is not acting on behalf of the Eurozone Member States as lenders, and the ECB is not involved.…”

Section: The Making Of the Eu Guidance: Opening The Black Boxmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Between the Commission and the ECB there is a hierarchy, since the European Commission operates 'in liaison with the ECB'. The role of the IMF as a minority lender is less certain (Ioannidis, 2014).…”

Section: The Making Of the Eu Guidance: Opening The Black Boxmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inside the black box: The EU’s economic surveillance of national healthcare systems

Baeten

Vanhercke

2017

Comp Eur Polit

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In the context of macro-economic surveillance, the European Union(EU) increasingly addresses national health system reform. Member States receiving financial assistance are required to implement detailed reforms stipulated in 'Memorandums of Understanding' (MoUs). But the health systems in other (non-MoU) countries are also scrutinised in the context of the 'European Semester': through this annual policy cycle, the EU has continuously strengthened the tools it uses to enforce compliance. This article aims to open the black box of the EU's economic surveillance of national healthcare systems by outlining the complex policy architecture of the EU's newly acquired role in this area. The story of how health has emerged on the European agenda illustrates how the Eurozone crisis created a policy 'window of opportunity' to push through fiscal surveillance of health systems as part of the solution to the crisis. The cognitive frameworks put forward by certain elites added up to the primacy of an economic perspective over health objectives. Finally, our analysis of the role of the actors involved in the elaboration of EU guidance in the field of health points to the dominance of 'economic' actors and relative absence of 'health' actors, in spite of increased attempts by the latter to gain influence.

show abstract

EU Financial Assistance Conditionality after 'Two Pack'

Cited by 6 publications

References 7 publications

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

What’s Left? Political orientation, economic conditions and incarceration in Greece under Syriza-led government

The Routledge Handbook on Extraterritorial Human Rights Obligations

Inside the black box: The EU’s economic surveillance of national healthcare systems

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About