Ethnopolitical Violence and Terrorism in the Middle East

Asal, Victor; Johnson, Carter; Wilkenfeld, Jonathan

doi:10.4324/9781003076186-7

Cited by 16 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…This insight also applies to self-determination conflicts because, just as political parties are typically polarized over a variety of domestic policy issues, political parties in these settings are often divided over the use of violence. For example, in 13 of the 22 Middle Eastern cases included in the MAROB dataset, rival political parties disagreed about the use of violence (Asal, Pate & Wilkenfeld, 2008). Similarly, the two main Palestinian parties, Fatah and Hamas, are also divided over the use of violence.…”

Section: Partisanship and Support For Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

International recognition and support for violence among nonpartisans

Shelef

Zeira

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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What reduces individual support for the use of violence among groups seeking self-determination? This article advances a new explanation for changes in popular support for violence – international recognition – and evaluates this explanation using a survey experiment of Palestinians priming the 2012 UNGA recognition of Palestine. The analysis shows that priming recognition reduces support for violence among a key segment of the population, nonpartisans, who have weaker and more fluid prior beliefs about the use of violence than partisans. The article argues that recognition reduces support for violence among nonpartisans by conveying new information that shifts the expected payoffs of violent and nonviolent strategies. This article deepens the incorporation of party politics into the study of conflict and demonstrates that international diplomatic engagement can reduce popular support for violence in an ongoing conflict. This is important because most previously identified determinants of support for violence are either very difficult to change or change very slowly.

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Section: Partisanship and Support For Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

International recognition and support for violence among nonpartisans

Shelef

Zeira

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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“…Another approach is to focus not on campaigns but rather on the organizations that may or may not engage in different forms of noninstitutional collective action (e.g., Asal et al 2008, Cunningham et al 2020, Butcher et al 2022. By focusing on organizations, researchers can better understand changes in strategies and tactics over time, as well as the simultaneous use of different methods by organizations associated with an overall campaign.…”

Section: Aggregated Units Of Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of Violence in Nonviolent Resistance

Chenoweth

2023

Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.

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Over the past two decades, there has been growing scholarly interest in nonviolent resistance—a method of conflict in which unarmed people mobilize collective protests, strikes, and boycotts in a coordinated way. Mass movements that rely overwhelmingly on nonviolent resistance sometimes feature unarmed collective violence, fringe violence, or even organized armed action. What do we know about the effects of violent flanks on movement outcomes? This article reviews findings on the relationships between nonviolent and unarmed resistance, violence, and the outcomes of mass mobilization, as well as the directionality of these relationships. The balance of empirical evidence suggests that organized armed violence appears to reduce the chances for otherwise nonviolent movements to succeed, whereas unarmed collective violence has more ambiguous effects. The field will benefit from greater analytical precision in comparing the units of analysis, scope, intensity, and media framing of violent flank activity.

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“…First, to the best of my knowledge, it is the only dataset focused on a thorough analysis of the trajectories and organizational attributes of the set of armed groups operating in Latin America since 1950, broadening the sample of Latin American insurgencies included in the main conflict datasets. Second, it is one of the few crossnational available datasets on insurgent organizational features, expanding the set of variables included in the Non-State Actor Dataset (Cunningham et al 2013), the MAROB dataset (Asal et al 2008) or REVMOD (Acosta 2019). Third, it facilitates an approximation to a processual analysis of conflict, as unlike most of prior datasets, it includes time-series cross-sectional data on a variety of variables.…”

Section: C1 Lagd Description Inclusion Criteria and List Of Insurgenciesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Common enemies? Coups, insurgent strength and intra-elite competition: evidence from Latin America

Kreiman

2023

Democratization

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Ethnopolitical Violence and Terrorism in the Middle East

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

International recognition and support for violence among nonpartisans

International recognition and support for violence among nonpartisans

The Role of Violence in Nonviolent Resistance

Common enemies? Coups, insurgent strength and intra-elite competition: evidence from Latin America

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