Ethnicity and Sociolinguistic Variation in San Francisco

Hall‐Lew, Lauren

doi:10.1111/j.1749-818x.2010.00207.x

Cited by 75 publications

(125 citation statements)

References 23 publications

(27 reference statements)

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“…It is worth noting, for example, that Keith T. in Figure 5 is a lower-working-class speaker whose /Kuw/ (goose, food, move) is as front as that of the upper-middle-class Mancunians of his generation, such as Paul M. in Figure 6. A similar indication of completion was reported by Hall-Lew (2011) for the fronting of /Tuw/ in California English, where no significant effects of gender or ethnicity were found. 4 The fronting of the nucleus of GOOSE is accompanied by the fronting of its glide.…”

supporting

confidence: 57%

“…2 Tokens with coronal onsets, referred to here as /Tuw/, as in two, do, show moderate fronting, with the mean in the center of the vowel space on the F2 dimension. This suggests that the fronting of the vowel first started in this environment, likely as an effect of coarticulation with a preceding coronal consonant (Hall-Lew, 2011;Harrington, Kleber, & Reubold, 2008;Ohala, 1981). This differentiation between coronal and noncoronal onsets is also seen in the speech of Jim R., born in 1922, with noncoronal tokens (/Kuw/, as in goose, boot, food) showing less fronting than /Tuw/ ( Figure 2).…”

Section: Fronting Of Goosementioning

confidence: 71%

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Class matters: the sociolinguistics ofgooseandgoatin Manchester English

Baranowski

2017

Lang Var Change

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A B S T R A C TThis paper reports on patterns of sociolinguistic variation and change in Manchester's GOOSE and GOAT vowels on the basis of the acoustic analysis of 122 speakers, stratified by age, gender, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity. GOOSE fronting is an internal change showing little social differentiation, except before /l/ as in school and pool, where, in contrast to most other dialects of English, GOOSE shows advanced fronting inversely correlated with socioeconomic status. GOAT fronting, on the other hand, is a change brought from outside the dialect by the highest status groups, displaying a pattern of monotonic social stratification, a female lead, and a strong effect of ethnicity. The role of attitudes toward the community in the realization of the vowels is compared with the effect of social class construed in terms of distances between social groups. Social class turns out to be a better predictor, suggesting that the role of attitudes and identity may be overestimated in research eschewing a systematic exploration of social class at the same time.The quality of the long back vowels GOOSE and GOAT has been changing in many dialects of English. The fronting of GOOSE has been found in most varieties across the English-speaking

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supporting

confidence: 57%

Section: Fronting Of Goosementioning

confidence: 71%

Class matters: the sociolinguistics ofgooseandgoatin Manchester English

Baranowski

2017

Lang Var Change

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“…As Evans, Mistry, & Moreiras (2007) also noted, this suggests that non-native parental traits can be acquired at very early stages, and that their retention or loss may be governed by shifts in the balance of input and social integration with particular peer groups, as in the case of native speaker migration and contact (Kerswill & Williams, 2000). 2 Finally, many studies have indicated that foreign traits can become a source of new raw material in dialect change, to mark affiliation or to inscribe new social boundaries (Cheshire, Fox, Kerswill, & Torgersen, 2011;Chun, 2009;Eckert, 1989: 260;Hall-Lew, 2009;Labov, 1963:307, Laferriere, 1979Newman, 2010;Prince, 1988:516;Urcioli, 1991:307;Zentella, 1997:175). Indeed, in our own and other research, originally exogenous traits are identifiable even among third-generation speakers (Guzzo, 2009;Hall-Lew & Starr, 2010;Penfield & Ornstein-Galicia, 1985).…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 98%

Cognitive and social forces in dialect shift: Gradual change in London Asian speech

Sharma

Sankaran

2011

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A B S T R A C TThis study examines the retention of a non-native dialect feature by British Asians in London. We examine the use of one Punjabi feature (t-retroflexion) and one British feature (t-glottaling) across three groups: first-generation non-native immigrants and two age groups of second-generation British Asians. Cognitively oriented models predict that non-native features will either be innately blocked (Chambers, 2002) or reallocated by native generations. A socially oriented model allows for more gradual change. Contrary to the cognitive view, the older second generation neither blocks nor clearly reallocates use of t-retroflexion; they closely mirror the first generation's non-native use. However, they simultaneously control nativelike t-glottaling, reflecting a robust bidialectal ability. It is the younger second generation who exhibit focused reallocation in the form and function of tretroflexion. This 20-year lag corresponds to major changes in demographics and race relations in the community over 5 decades. The study shows that acquisition of the local dialect and retention of exogenous features should be seen as independently constrained rather than as mutually exclusive.

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“…The two CofPs also differ in how they orient towards notions of 'localness' (e.g. Hall-Lew 2009;Wagner 2013). For example, the Rebellious girls were from socially mixed backgrounds and formed a group identity around a more general 'street' orientation.…”

Section: S O C I a L M E A N I N G A N D I N T E R S E C T I O N A L mentioning

confidence: 99%

Intersectionality and the social meanings of variation: Class, ethnicity, and social practice

Kirkham

2015

Lang. Soc.

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A B S T R A C TThis article examines how the social meanings of phonetic variation in a British adolescent community are influenced by a complex relationship between ethnicity, social class, and social practice. I focus on the realisation of the HAPPY vowel in Sheffield English, which is reported to be a lax variant [ɛ] amongst working-class speakers but is undergoing change towards a tense variant [i] amongst middle-class speakers. I analyse the acoustic realisation of this vowel across four female communities of practice in a multiethnic secondary school and find that the variable's community-wide associations of social class are projected onto the ethnographic category of school orientation, which I suggest is a more local interpretation of class relations. Ethnographic evidence and discourse analysis reveal that local meanings of the HAPPY vowel vary further within distinctive community of practice styles, which is the result of how ethnicity and social class intersect in structuring local social practices. (Intersectionality, indexicality, social meaning, identity, ethnicity, social class)*

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Ethnicity and Sociolinguistic Variation in San Francisco

Cited by 75 publications

References 23 publications

Class matters: the sociolinguistics ofgooseandgoatin Manchester English

Class matters: the sociolinguistics ofgooseandgoatin Manchester English

Cognitive and social forces in dialect shift: Gradual change in London Asian speech

Intersectionality and the social meanings of variation: Class, ethnicity, and social practice

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