Abstract:This article makes theoretical and empirical contributions towards understanding the form and function of ethnic quotas that are applied in various countries around the world. It advances a classification scheme for sorting through the broad variation in these electoral mechanisms. Initial exploration suggests that variation among ethnic quota schemes corresponds more with regime type, and less with differences in ethnic demography. Nevertheless, particular rules do operate differently in relation to ethnic di… Show more
“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
This article seeks to clarify the relationship between reserved seats filled through competitive elections, political parties, and substantive minority representation. It argues that the party affiliation of the minority representative moderates the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation since minority and party constituencies can cross-pressure a representative or, in the case of overlap, can allow her to cater to party and minority interests simultaneously. Drawing on empirical examples, the article first classifies party affiliations along the criterion of overlap between minority interests and party appeal into five categories: 'coinciding ethnic' parties, 'multi-ethnic' parties, 'partial ethnic' parties, 'other ethnic' parties, and 'non-ethnic' parties. Hypotheses about how these affiliations affect a reserved-seat representative's willingness to act for the minority are later developed, expecting a strong positive effect of the coinciding ethnic party, a weak positive effect for multi-and partial ethnic parties, a negative effect for other ethnic parties, and no effect for non-ethnic party affiliation.
“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
This article seeks to clarify the relationship between reserved seats filled through competitive elections, political parties, and substantive minority representation. It argues that the party affiliation of the minority representative moderates the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation since minority and party constituencies can cross-pressure a representative or, in the case of overlap, can allow her to cater to party and minority interests simultaneously. Drawing on empirical examples, the article first classifies party affiliations along the criterion of overlap between minority interests and party appeal into five categories: 'coinciding ethnic' parties, 'multi-ethnic' parties, 'partial ethnic' parties, 'other ethnic' parties, and 'non-ethnic' parties. Hypotheses about how these affiliations affect a reserved-seat representative's willingness to act for the minority are later developed, expecting a strong positive effect of the coinciding ethnic party, a weak positive effect for multi-and partial ethnic parties, a negative effect for other ethnic parties, and no effect for non-ethnic party affiliation.
“…municipal) level because examining the effects of reserved seats in local assemblies allows us to control for a range of features associated with the design of the reserved seats and the political system of the state, while party affiliation and government participation of minority representatives varies across selected municipalities. As already noted, since reserved seats models vary considerably between countries, a sub-national comparison is methodologically the only sound solution (Bird, 2014). Reserved seats for national minorities in local assemblies in BiH were introduced by amendments to the Electoral Law of Bosnia andHerzegovina, first in 2004 andthen in 2008.…”
Section: Methods Case Selection and Operationalizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Empirical studies so far have looked mostly at the effects of reserved seats at the state level. Dynamics at the level of 'micro factors', such as the territorial concentration of minority population, the intensity of minorities' political mobilization, interaction with other ethnic minority groups, as well as individual candidates' characteristics and their ties to a given community have rarely been analysed (Bird, 2014). Most studies on reserved seats for minority populations (according to caste) in local assemblies in India have explored the potential socio-economic benefits that this particular participatory mechanism might have for the disadvantaged groups.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These cases provide rather favourable conditions to examine the effect of reserved seats for three principal reasons: (1) the sub-national comparison circumvents issues with institutional rules for filling the reserved seats, which differ substantially between countries (Bird, 2014); (2) a relatively recent introduction of reserved seats, in 2008, and the fact that the seats were introduced in a limited number of cases allows both a diachronic comparison of the influence on decisionmaking before and after the introduction of reserved seats within the same municipality, as well as comparisons between municipalities that have and those that have not introduced reserved seats; (3) with regard to our second question, different minority representative configurations: independent candidates, members of multi-ethnic parties, ethnic parties appealing to the minority in question and ethnic parties appealing to another ethnic group-all of which may be observed in the Bosnian case-secure a variance needed for examining effects of different configurations. Thus, in addition to broadening our understanding of the effect of reserved seats on minority representation more generally, the article yields original insight about a case that has so far received limited scholarly attention.…”
Relying on a subjective and procedural understanding of substantive representation as communication, responsiveness, and accountability, this article examines the effects of reserved seats for minorities in local assemblies in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through comparative qualitative case studies of eight municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the article sheds light on the effectiveness of various configurations of political representation of minorities in terms of the actual influence on decision-making on the one hand, and accountability of the minority representatives to their constituency on the other-in particular in relation to the political background and party affiliation of minority representatives. First, it was found that reserved seats have had an overall positive, but in reality rather modest effect in terms of strengthening the political voice of minorities in decision-making. Second, it was found that the party affiliation of minority representatives is a crucial factor in establishing and effectively maintaining the relationship of substantive representation. While procedural substantive representation of constituent peoples in minority situations benefits from an ethnic party framework, lack of party affiliation positively affects substantive representation of national minorities proper.
“…Meier [2004]; Murray, Krook & Opello [2012]) or quotas for minorities (e.g., Bird [2014]; Reynolds [2005Reynolds [ , 2011; Lublin & Wright [2013]). We thus know relatively little about the potentially different underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of different groups.…”
This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalized groups. More specifically, it analyzes whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualize the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomyof the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system.
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