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2014
DOI: 10.1177/0192512113507798
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Ethnic quotas and ethnic representation worldwide

Abstract: This article makes theoretical and empirical contributions towards understanding the form and function of ethnic quotas that are applied in various countries around the world. It advances a classification scheme for sorting through the broad variation in these electoral mechanisms. Initial exploration suggests that variation among ethnic quota schemes corresponds more with regime type, and less with differences in ethnic demography. Nevertheless, particular rules do operate differently in relation to ethnic di… Show more

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Cited by 82 publications
(65 citation statements)
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References 21 publications
(10 reference statements)
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“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…municipal) level because examining the effects of reserved seats in local assemblies allows us to control for a range of features associated with the design of the reserved seats and the political system of the state, while party affiliation and government participation of minority representatives varies across selected municipalities. As already noted, since reserved seats models vary considerably between countries, a sub-national comparison is methodologically the only sound solution (Bird, 2014). Reserved seats for national minorities in local assemblies in BiH were introduced by amendments to the Electoral Law of Bosnia andHerzegovina, first in 2004 andthen in 2008.…”
Section: Methods Case Selection and Operationalizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Empirical studies so far have looked mostly at the effects of reserved seats at the state level. Dynamics at the level of 'micro factors', such as the territorial concentration of minority population, the intensity of minorities' political mobilization, interaction with other ethnic minority groups, as well as individual candidates' characteristics and their ties to a given community have rarely been analysed (Bird, 2014). Most studies on reserved seats for minority populations (according to caste) in local assemblies in India have explored the potential socio-economic benefits that this particular participatory mechanism might have for the disadvantaged groups.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Meier [2004]; Murray, Krook & Opello [2012]) or quotas for minorities (e.g., Bird [2014]; Reynolds [2005Reynolds [ , 2011; Lublin & Wright [2013]). We thus know relatively little about the potentially different underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of different groups.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%