Ethnic Mobilization among the Maya of Yucatán

Mattiace, Shannan

doi:10.1080/17442220902920085

Cited by 13 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Concerns about charismatic renewal and spirituality outweighed material concerns for land redistribution or indigenous rights. No major independent peasant or indigenous movement emerged in Yucatán, partly because Pentecostalism shifted the arena of competition to spiritual concerns and partly because PRI rural corporatist structures were effective in deterring independent mobilization (Mattiace 2008) and because no leftist party emerged in the state (Trejo 2008).…”

Section: Qualitative Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico

2009

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This article suggests that a society's religious market structure can explain whether religion is “the opium of the people” or a major source of dissident secular mobilization. I present a simple model explaining why under monopolistic conditions, Catholic clergy in Latin America ignored the religious and social needs of poor rural indigenous parishioners but, when confronted by the expansion of U.S. mainline Protestantism, became major institutional promoters of rural indigenous causes. Catholic indigenous parishioners empowered by competition demanded the same benefits their Protestant neighbors were receiving: social services, ecclesiastic decentralization, and the practice of religion in their own language. Unable to decentralize ecclesiastic hierarchies, and facing a reputation deficit for having sided with rich and powerful elites for centuries, Catholic clergy stepped into the secular realm and became active promoters of indigenous movements and ethnic identities; they embraced the cause of the Indians as a member retention strategy and not in response to new doctrinal ideas emanating from Vatican II. Drawing on an original data set of indigenous mobilization in Mexico and on life histories and case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal effect of religious competition on the creation of the social bases for indigenous ethnic mobilization.

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Section: Qualitative Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico

2009

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“…Opponents of indigenous organizational efforts may devise ways of undermining such strategies by recasting their own identities and histories. As the political scientist Shannan Mattiace () has noted in the case of Yucatán, Mexico, this may hamper ethnic movement organizers, first, because organizing around racial discrimination in a society that claims that there is none is difficult. Second, it “makes it more difficult … to draw boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’ which, as Barth pointed out years ago … is essential to movement‐organizing” (2009:158).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“We are all Chiquitano”: Struggles over Territory and Sovereignty in Lowland Bolivia

Weber

2013

J Latin Amer Carib Anth

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Resumen Este artículo explora las diferentes maneras en que los blancos y mestizos de Concepción, una sede municipal en el departamento de Santa Cruz en el oriente Boliviano, buscan deslegitimizar el proyecto político indígena chiquitano. Una manera popular entre las élites de neutralizar la amenaza que este proyecto supone para su soberanía sobre los recursos, la tierra y la población en esa región, es utilizando un discurso regional de mestizaje que pretende minar la frontera étnica (cf. Barth 1969) creada por los chiquitanos para diferenciarse de los blancos y mestizos. Con el fin de explicar esta estrategia, presento un resumen de los acontecimientos históricos que han contribuido a crear el clima político contemporáneo local, y discuto los vínculos de dicha estrategia con el surgimiento del regionalismo Cruceño.

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“…(Castañeda ; Gabbert ; Quintal Avilés ). Lo que permite explicar, sumando un conjunto de circunstancias históricas, la ausencia de una movilización étnica, como la ocurrida en Oaxaca o Chiapas, durante el siglo XX (Mattiace ).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Nosotros Decimos Ma’: La Lucha Contra la Soya Transgénica y La Rearticulación de la Identidad Maya en la Península de Yucatán1

Torres‐Mazuera

2018

J Latin Amer Carib Anth

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La lucha política y legal contra la soya genéticamente modificada en la Península de Yucatán, iniciada en 2012, ha conllevado una rearticulación de la identidad maya en las comunidades afectadas por este cultivo. El objetivo de este trabajo es describir cómo surge y se define como problemática social el cultivo de la soya transgénica y explicar por qué la lucha de un grupo de apicultores mayas contra este tipo de cultivo se convirtió en una lucha legal por los derechos indígenas de las comunidades mayas. A partir de investigación etnográfica, me propongo analizar los encuadres "cientificistas" y jurídicos del conflicto que hacen autoridades del gobierno, así como la resistencia de diversos actores para quienes la discusión sobre la soya transgénica trasciende los riesgos a la salud humana y supone, sobre todo, un debate en torno al tipo de desarrollo agropecuario más adecuado para las comunidades mayas. [México, pueblos indígenas, agroindustria, movimientos sociales, derechos humanas, Maya, OGM]

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Ethnic Mobilization among the Maya of Yucatán

Cited by 13 publications

References 15 publications

Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico

Religious Competition and Ethnic Mobilization in Latin America: Why the Catholic Church Promotes Indigenous Movements in Mexico

“We are all Chiquitano”: Struggles over Territory and Sovereignty in Lowland Bolivia

Nosotros Decimos Ma’: La Lucha Contra la Soya Transgénica y La Rearticulación de la Identidad Maya en la Península de Yucatán1

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