Ethnic-conflict and its manifestations in the politics of recognition in a multi-ethnic Niger delta region

Folami, Olakunle Michael

doi:10.1080/23311886.2017.1358526

Cited by 10 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…Afghanistan and Nigeria present an interesting comparison because while they do exhibit differences, there are also key similarities between them. Although Afghanistan (a Muslim majority country) is less religiously diverse than Nigeria (with a Muslim-majority North and Christian-majority South), both countries are ethnically and linguistically diverse and have faced similar ethnolinguistic challenges in forming a unified national identity, in addition to addressing issues of diverse ethnolinguistic representation in their parliaments (CIA, 2021a;2021b;Dupree, 2021;Folami, 2017;Hamilton Millard Kirk-Greene, 2021;Ikpe, 2009;Sinno, 2015). In both Afghanistan and Nigeria, failures to create an effective ethnic coalition have induced the government to resort to violence at various points in order to maintain control over these varied groups.…”

Section: Case Selection Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Covid-19, STATE CAPACITY, AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE BY NONSTATE ACTORS

Koehnlein¹,

Koren²

2021

Preprint

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The COVID-19 pandemic has constrained the ability of states across the world to govern and control their territories. As the state reduces its activities, space opens up for violent nonstate actors working for and against the state to fill the vacuum. Highlighting this trend, the present study evaluates the effects of COVID-19 and pandemics more broadly on attacks by nonstate actors. Our theory emphasizes the incentives of both rebels and pro-government nonstate actors (PGNs) to increase their attack frequency as disease spreads and the state retracts its governance activities to preserve resources needed elsewhere. In the first case, we highlight how the pandemic allows rebels to reduce asymmetries of power with respect to the military and establish themselves as a viable government alternative. In the second case, PGNs, which provide an alternative to militaries, are deployed to these contested spaces to thwart or preempt rebellion during the pandemic. Employing daily level data on the annual change in armed conflict and COVID-19 cases across 127 countries between 1 January 2020 and 15 June 2020, we test both claims using an econometric identification strategy. We do not find clear evidence that COVID-19 led to a higher frequency of rebel attacks, suggesting that these groups prefer to bolster their standing using nonviolent means, or avoid fighting and preserve their resources. In contrast, we find that the frequency of PGN attacks has increased with COVID-19 prevalence compared with last year. Case studies of insurgent and PGN activity in Afghanistan and Nigeria lend additional support to these results, illustrating some underlying mechanisms. Our findings explore overlooked challenges that pandemics and other disasters pose to conflict mitigation and the role PGNs play in these contexts.

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Section: Case Selection Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Covid-19, STATE CAPACITY, AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE BY NONSTATE ACTORS

Koehnlein¹,

Koren²

2021

Preprint

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“…Whilst no interviewed CBO or NGO actors in this research supported pursuing private, financial agreements, this sense of justice appears to offer greater participatory and justice concerns. It is probable that financial compensation can exacerbate communities already divided by neoliberal resource development (Folami, 2017; Ogwang et al., 2019), thereby increasing the likelihood of social conflict. In this situation, it becomes less clear precisely whose sense of justice is being delivered when local communities become separated and embittered.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

What justice and for whom? A political ecology of voice study into ‘senses of justice’ in Peru's Loreto Region

Gonzalez¹

2021

Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space

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This article explores community-based organisation and non-governmental organisation ‘senses of justice’ and their interaction with community procedural environmental justice claims. The research was centred on a study of Peru’s Loreto Region and the pollution impacts from oil extraction. This was conducted through the political ecology of voice theoretical framework which can act as a bridge between the fields of environmental justice and political ecology. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight relevant non-governmental organisations and four community-based organisations operating in Loreto, alongside testimony from other stakeholders. Results show that sense of justice synergies can occur between non-state actors and local communities, achieved through inclusive participatory mechanisms and equitable partnerships. This synergy enables local struggles to be made visible to the wider world as well as heard, evidenced through the grievances being addressed by the state and resource extraction industries. Nevertheless, how transformative these partnerships are is variable, with procedural legal justice offering the most beneficial way for community-based organisations and non-governmental organisations to support local justice struggles. Moreover, to be truly a transformative process, there is a need for these legal justice partnerships to challenge the deeper structural injustice of misrecognition so that human rights, alternative livelihoods and developmental futures are recognised and safeguarded.

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“…However, even in societies with plentiful resources at their disposal, there remains scope for ethno-national conflict to erupt if the management of that resource is poor. An example would be the management of crude oil in the Niger Delta which has led to tensions between those that are benefitting from its extraction against those who are evidently being exploited or displaced in the process, such as the Ijaw and Ogoni tribes (Folami, 2017;Idemudia & Ite, 2006).…”

Section: Other Factorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Identifying The Key Contributory Factors Behind Ethno-national Conflict

Kataria

2020

J Ethn Cult Stud

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Humans have, since time immemorial, contested over territory and, given its connection to resource access, attached great importance thus. Contestation over territory, especially when it is of significant scale, typically occurs via group-level articulation rather than individual. Such claims are all too often rooted in, legitimised by, and resisted on the grounds of, the ethnicity of the group(s) in question—hence ethno-national conflict. Indeed, conflict between ethnic groups, be it violent or non-violent, while not a constant, has been a frequent feature of our modern age. This article aims to identify the key contributory factors that sit behind ethno-national conflict. Particular attention will be paid to factors spanning across categories that hold a considerable amount of explanatory sway, namely, structural, political, and economic. However, light attention will also be given to ‘other factors’ such as those that fall within environmental and cultural categories. For all the contributory factors identified, supportive empirical evidence will be used to demonstrate their relative value.

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Ethnic-conflict and its manifestations in the politics of recognition in a multi-ethnic Niger delta region

Cited by 10 publications

References 12 publications

Covid-19, STATE CAPACITY, AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE BY NONSTATE ACTORS

Covid-19, STATE CAPACITY, AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE BY NONSTATE ACTORS

What justice and for whom? A political ecology of voice study into ‘senses of justice’ in Peru's Loreto Region

Identifying The Key Contributory Factors Behind Ethno-national Conflict

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