Erradicación en suspenso: La dimensión simbólica de la pacificación negociada en el VRAEM

Paredes, Maritza; Pastor, Ana María Relaño

doi:10.4067/s0718-090x2021005000106

Cited by 7 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…While US officials might claim the successes of the ‘war on drugs’, repressive policing, crop eradication and mass incarceration exacerbate the ‘neoliberal penalty’ on marginal communities (Auyero and Sobering, 2017), and have little impact on the drug trade (Cepeda and Tickner, 2017). Likewise, alternative development projects that further integrate peasant producers into global (licit) markets on unequal terms have limited success (Grillo et al., 2021; Meehan, 2021; Paredes and Pastor, 2021). The only way to make people less dependent on illicit economies is through state investment into relegated urban and rural spaces, to enable citizens to build dignified lives.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Is the Drug Trade Not Violent? Cocaine Production and the Embedded Economy in the Chapare, Bolivia

Grisaffi¹

2021

Development and Change

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Bolivia is a centre for drug production and trafficking and yet it experiences far less drug‐related violence than other countries in Latin America that form part of cocaine's commodity chain. Drawing upon more than three years of ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2005 and 2019, this article presents evidence from the Chapare, a coca‐growing and drug processing region in central Bolivia, to consider why this is the case. Building from the literature on embedded economies and the subsistence ethic of peasant communities, the article demonstrates that the drug trade is part of a local moral order that prioritizes kinship, reciprocal relations and community well‐being, facilitated by the cultural significance of the coca leaf. This has served to limit possibilities for the violence that is often associated with drug production and trafficking. In addition, coca grower agricultural unions act as a parallel form of governance, providing a framework for the peaceful resolution of disputes and working actively to exclude the state and criminal actors.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Is the Drug Trade Not Violent? Cocaine Production and the Embedded Economy in the Chapare, Bolivia

Grisaffi¹

2021

Development and Change

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“…However, eradication efforts have widely varied by region (Zevallos, 2013). VRAEM has been only marginally involved, as over the last twenty years only 116 hectares have been eradicated, and this in the single year of 2019 (Paredes et al, 2021). Therefore, the alternative development approach deployed in VRAEM -not conditioned by crop eradicationwas different from that which accompanied those in other Peruvian cocaproducing regions.…”

Section: The Vraem a Peruvian Illicit Coca Production Zone In A Post-...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recent studies have shown how the Peruvian state, thanks to a sustained dialogue with the social organizations of the VRAEM and the implementation of development policies, has succeeded in building its legitimacy among the coca growers of the VRAEM (Heuser, 2017;Paredes et al, 2021;Zevallos Trigoso & Rojas Boucher, 2012). However, this does not erase the significant mistrust and resistance that can be found in the region.…”

Section: Development Manna and Its Suspicionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The mistrust of development in coca-growing regions in Peru: The valley of the rivers Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro

Busnel

2022

ERLACS

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Since the 1970s, drug-producing regions have been the target of 'alternative development' policies. These policies aim to provide alternative crops to illegal coca, poppy, and marijuana growers, but also to initiate a greater development process in the regions concerned. The redefinition of these policies in international arenas has been widely studied, but little is known about the representations that farmers have of these policies in the production regions. This contribution proposes to overcome these limitations by examining more directly the effects of these policies at the subnational level. To this end, the case of the Valley of the Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro Rivers (VRAEM), Peru's main illegal coca-producing region and a post-conflict area, is analyzed. Despite an apparent consensus on development at the subnational level, tensions remain around these policies and their administration and occasionally arise between the Peruvian state and social organizations. This article shows that the implementation of development policies generates mistrust among farmers due to the ambiguity of the future of crops and the uncertainty of the benefits derived from development programs. The distrust is mainly directed at the agents in charge of implementing the programs and the leaders of social organizations who act as intermediaries. Because these policies largely exclude collective actors, they undermine trust in political representation and the Peruvian state in a region still weakened by the post-conflict context.

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“…Para hacer frente a la reducción del cultivo de la hoja de coca, Perú optó por la erradicación forzosa financiada por Estados Unidos. Esto afectó negativamente a los agricultores empobrecidos y generó violencia e inestabilidad en la región; mientras que Bolivia implementó un modelo participativo y no violento ofreciendo alternativas económicas realistas a los agricultores cocaleros, lo que amplió derechos sociales y civiles en regiones previamente marginadas (GRISAFFI;FARTHING;LEDEBUR;PAREDES et al, 2021).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Representaciones Sociales De Los Productores De Coca Sobre Los Programas De Desarrollo Alternativo en Puno Peru

Uscamayta,

Gallegos,

Arizaca

et al. 2023

Economia, Administração E Sociologia Rural: Tópicos Atuais Em Pesquisa

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La investigación tiene como objetivo comprender las representaciones sociales de los productores de hoja de coca sobre el Programa de Desarrollo Alternativo (PDA) implementado por el gobierno peruano. La problemática que impulsa el estudio son los conflictos sociales derivados de las estrategias que viene implementando el PDA para el control y sustitución de cultivos de coca, que es vinculada con la producción de la materia prima para actividades del narcotráfico. La metodología fue de carácter cualitativo, desde la perspectiva fenomenológica, empleando la entrevista como técnica y la guía como instrumento. El muestreo se realizó por conveniencia a informantes clave, con criterios de inclusión y exclusión. Entre los principales hallazgos, los productores de la hoja de coca consideran que el PDA es negativo y están en desacuerdo, debido a que las medidas de intervención forzada llevadas a cabo son consideradas como perjudiciales que va en desmedro de la economía familiar. Respecto a las opiniones, los productos alternativos, consideran que no tienen el mismo impacto socioeconómico inmediato en los hogares por su escasa adaptabilidad y rentabilidad de los cultivos alternativos impuestos por el programa. En cuanto a las actitudes, los productores muestran desconfianza y rechazo a la implantación de productos agrícolas y contrario a ello, siguen cultivando la hoja de coca de manera encubierta a pesar de los riesgos legales. Finalmente, demandan que el gobierno central permita el cultivo de la hoja de coca en pequeñas parcelas familiares de manera controlada, con la finalidad de asegurar el sustento de su economía familiar.

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Erradicación en suspenso: La dimensión simbólica de la pacificación negociada en el VRAEM

Cited by 7 publications

References 22 publications

Why Is the Drug Trade Not Violent? Cocaine Production and the Embedded Economy in the Chapare, Bolivia

Why Is the Drug Trade Not Violent? Cocaine Production and the Embedded Economy in the Chapare, Bolivia

The mistrust of development in coca-growing regions in Peru: The valley of the rivers Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro

Representaciones Sociales De Los Productores De Coca Sobre Los Programas De Desarrollo Alternativo en Puno Peru

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