Abstract:Over 10 years have passed since the current phase of devolution in the United Kingdom started and the article investigates its effects on Scottish political discourse on national identity focusing on the unionist version. Based on an analysis of recent political utterances in Scotland, the article argues that the current devolution settlement has revived and entrenched unionist nationalism in the Scottish political discourse. It also shows that one of the effects of devolution on the debate on national identit… Show more
“…Ada kekhawatiran bahwa politik identitas dapat mengancam sikap nasionalisme dan pluralism (Zahrotunnimah, 2018). Di banyak Negara, desentralisasi telah menunjukkan gejala penguatan identitas lokal dan regional, meski tidak selamanya membahayakan konstruksi identitas nasional (Guibernau, 2006;Ichijo, 2012).…”
This article investigates education in the era of Aceh Special Autonomy from the perspective of Acehnese identity politics. The nature of education in Aceh was fundamentally a legacy of conflict, and an arena of continuous identity contestation in the course of Aceh history. This study focuses on the way the implementation of special autonomy and Islamic sharia has altered and reshaped the construction of Acehnese identity. The changes in the curriculum and the structure of education observed in this research has represented the reassertion of Islamic identity in the education of Aceh. However, this reassertion has not necessarily led to an all-Islamised education system in Aceh. Rather, this development has resulted in a hybrid education system, one which promotes a greater association and convergence between Aceh’s distinct Islamic identity and the Indonesian education secular systems. This result emphasises that Acehnese identity has experienced transformation and negotiation, that is, although Islam has and continously remained the most significant element of Acehese identity, this identity is framed as part of Indonesian national identity. Therefore, identity is not fixed, but it is flexible and negotiable, as nationalism itself is a form of shared identity. AbstrakArtikel ini menginvestigasi pendidikan pada era Otonomi Khusus Aceh dalam perspektif politik identitas masyarakat Aceh. Hakikat pendidikan di Aceh merupakan warisan dari konflik dan senantiasa menjadi ajang kontestasi identitas dalam sejarah hubungan antara Aceh dan Jakarta. Tulisan ini akan melihat sejauh mana penerapan Otsus dan Syariat Islam telah membentuk atau mengubah konstruksi identitas Aceh. Perubahan-perubahan dalam kurikulum dan struktur pendidikan sebagaimana ditemukan dalam penelitian ini telah menegaskan kembali identitas Islam dalam pendidikan Aceh. Namun demikian hal ini tidak serta merta mendorong Islamisasi menyeluruh pada sistem pendidikan Aceh. Melainkan telah terbentuk sebuah sistem pendidikan ‘hibrid’ yang menghasilkan penyatuan dan konvergensi antara identitas Islam Aceh dengan sistem pendidikan sekuler Indonesia. Hasil penelitian ini meneguhkan argumen bahwa identitas Aceh telah mengalami transformasi dan negosiasi, meskipun Islam telah dan tetap menjadi elemen penting dalam identitas Aceh, namun identitas tersebut terus menerus ternegosiasikan ke dalam identitas nasional. Identitas bukan merupakan suatu yang tetap, melainkan fleksibel dan dapat dinegosiasikan, karena nasionalisme itu sendiri merupakan sebuah bentuk berbagi identitas.
“…Ada kekhawatiran bahwa politik identitas dapat mengancam sikap nasionalisme dan pluralism (Zahrotunnimah, 2018). Di banyak Negara, desentralisasi telah menunjukkan gejala penguatan identitas lokal dan regional, meski tidak selamanya membahayakan konstruksi identitas nasional (Guibernau, 2006;Ichijo, 2012).…”
This article investigates education in the era of Aceh Special Autonomy from the perspective of Acehnese identity politics. The nature of education in Aceh was fundamentally a legacy of conflict, and an arena of continuous identity contestation in the course of Aceh history. This study focuses on the way the implementation of special autonomy and Islamic sharia has altered and reshaped the construction of Acehnese identity. The changes in the curriculum and the structure of education observed in this research has represented the reassertion of Islamic identity in the education of Aceh. However, this reassertion has not necessarily led to an all-Islamised education system in Aceh. Rather, this development has resulted in a hybrid education system, one which promotes a greater association and convergence between Aceh’s distinct Islamic identity and the Indonesian education secular systems. This result emphasises that Acehnese identity has experienced transformation and negotiation, that is, although Islam has and continously remained the most significant element of Acehese identity, this identity is framed as part of Indonesian national identity. Therefore, identity is not fixed, but it is flexible and negotiable, as nationalism itself is a form of shared identity. AbstrakArtikel ini menginvestigasi pendidikan pada era Otonomi Khusus Aceh dalam perspektif politik identitas masyarakat Aceh. Hakikat pendidikan di Aceh merupakan warisan dari konflik dan senantiasa menjadi ajang kontestasi identitas dalam sejarah hubungan antara Aceh dan Jakarta. Tulisan ini akan melihat sejauh mana penerapan Otsus dan Syariat Islam telah membentuk atau mengubah konstruksi identitas Aceh. Perubahan-perubahan dalam kurikulum dan struktur pendidikan sebagaimana ditemukan dalam penelitian ini telah menegaskan kembali identitas Islam dalam pendidikan Aceh. Namun demikian hal ini tidak serta merta mendorong Islamisasi menyeluruh pada sistem pendidikan Aceh. Melainkan telah terbentuk sebuah sistem pendidikan ‘hibrid’ yang menghasilkan penyatuan dan konvergensi antara identitas Islam Aceh dengan sistem pendidikan sekuler Indonesia. Hasil penelitian ini meneguhkan argumen bahwa identitas Aceh telah mengalami transformasi dan negosiasi, meskipun Islam telah dan tetap menjadi elemen penting dalam identitas Aceh, namun identitas tersebut terus menerus ternegosiasikan ke dalam identitas nasional. Identitas bukan merupakan suatu yang tetap, melainkan fleksibel dan dapat dinegosiasikan, karena nasionalisme itu sendiri merupakan sebuah bentuk berbagi identitas.
“…Ichijo (, ) suggests that this development marks the entrenchment of ‘unionist nationalism’ in post‐devolution Scottish politics, with all three unionist parties presenting alternative visions of the role of devolution in securing the future status of the Union. She argues that the introduction of Scottish devolution has legitimised the expression of a unionist stance in the Scottish political sphere: By presenting a discursive frame that connects three narrative strands, (a) the Union is where Scots can grow and prosper, (b) devolution is an embodiment of democratic principles and (c) devolution is the only way of maintaining the Union, the unionist politicians have bundled the Union, devolution and Scottish identity together and wrapped it with democratic legitimacy, the trump card in a modern liberal democracy.…”
Section: Modernism Ethnosymbolism and Contemporary Scottish Politicamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Building on the aforementioned work of Leith and Soule (), Ichijo () and Mycock (), which all adopted similar empirically informed methodological approaches when appraising the official discourse of political parties, the forthcoming discussion will make an additional original contribution by critically examining how the lexicon of political rhetoric in contemporary Scotland is shaped by the ideological position of each political party in relation to Scotland's constitutional status. Furthermore, the use of Fairclough and Fairclough's () political discourse analysis framework seeks to offer an original methodological approach to the study of Scottish nationalism to complement past empirical analyses of political rhetoric in Scotland such as Leith and Soule (), given that the current analysis focuses specifically on political discourse from the period leading into the 2014 Scottish independence referendum.…”
Section: Modernism Ethnosymbolism and Contemporary Scottish Politicamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Labour's narrative of the ‘pooling and sharing of resources’ therefore appears to have a dual purpose. Firstly, it again emphasises the positives of the union for Scotland by stressing the economic security gained from the UK (Sharp et al ), whilst, secondly, the ‘pooling and sharing of resources’ trope underlines a vision of the UK which aligns with Labour's ideological values of ‘unionist nationalism’ (Ichijo ). Furthermore, Labour's explicit support for the Union evident here can also be viewed as an implicit form of nationalist ideology or ‘state patriotism’ in the words of Connor () emphasising the importance of maintaining the British state through the ‘sharing union’.…”
Section: Contemporary Political Discourse and Narratives Of Scotland'mentioning
This article critically examines the predominant narratives which emanated from party political discourse in relation to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Utilising a methodological approach centring on political discourse analysis (Fairclough and Fairclough 2012), this paper analyses party manifestos and constitutional policy documents produced by the three largest political parties represented in the Scottish Parliament, namely, the pro-independence Scottish National Party, and two pro-union parties, Scottish Labour and the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party. The emergent discourse of each party is interrogated by drawing upon pertinent theoretical concepts from previous academic analyses of Scottish nationalism, with particular attention given to those which have deployed modernist and ethnosymbolist theoretical approaches when analysing the Scottish context. This facilitates a critical reflection on the contrasting and nuanced narratives of the Scottish nation's past and future espoused by each political party vis-à-vis modernist and ethnosymbolist theory, illustrating the ways in which contrasting theorisations of nationalism are empirically tangible within political discourse and are thus not simply theoretical abstractions.
“…This 'best of both worlds' narrative appears to have a dual purpose. Firstly, it again emphasises the positives of the union for Scotland by stressing the economic security gained from the UK (Sharp et al, 2014), while, secondly, the 'pooling and sharing of resources' trope underlines a vision of the UK which aligns with Labour's ideological values of 'unionist nationalism' (Ichijo, 2012). Such arguments are representative of the party's political position on the Games, with an emphasis placed on refuting the attempts of the SNP to exploit the Games for political purposes whilst acknowledging the potential implications, if limited, of the Games for the referendum campaign.…”
This article critically examines the predominant narratives which emanate from political discourse in relation to two significant events in Scotland in 2014 – the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and the independence referendum. This article uses an analysis of the political discourse from the two largest parties in the Scottish Parliament at the time of the Games, the pro-independence Scottish National Party (SNP) and the pro-union Scottish Labour Party, to highlight the contrasting discursive strategies of each party within their manifestos, policy documents, press releases and parliamentary speeches. This analysis demonstrates that each party portrayed nuanced positions on the Games, with the SNP illustrating the constraining nature of the constitutional status quo in relation to the potential economic and social benefits of the Games, and Labour using the event to illustrate the effectiveness of their stewardship of the Glasgow City Council despite the council funding cuts imposed by the SNP-led Scottish Government. Despite acknowledging the marginal status of the Games on the eventual outcome of the referendum, both parties suggested that the success of the event could lead to a ‘feel-good factor’ which could boost the ‘Yes’ vote. Such questionable claims are evaluated in light of past academic studies which question the validity of legacy outcomes from sporting events such as the Games (e.g. Giulianotti, 2016 ; Horne, 2007 ; Horne and Manzenreiter, 2006 ; Martin and Barth, 2013 ; Stewart and Rayner, 2016 ; Zimbalist, 2015 ).
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